Skip to main content

Full text of "Political history of ancient India, from the accession of Parikshit to the extinction of the Gupta dynasty"

See other formats












The object of the following pages is to sketch the 
political history of Ancient India from the accession 
of Parikshit to the extinction of the Gupta Dynasty. 
The idea of the work suggested itself many years ago 
from observing a tendency in some of the current books 
to dismiss the history of the period from the Bharata 
war to the rise of Buddhism as incapable of arrangement 
in definite chronological order. The author's aim has 
been to present materials for an authentic chronological 
history of Ancient India, including the neglected Post- 
Bharata period, but excluding the Epoch of the Kanauj 
Empires which properly falls within the domain of the 
historian of Mediaeval India. 

The volume now offered to the public consists of two 
parts. In the first part an attempt has been made to 
furnish, from a comparison of the Vedic, Epic, Puranic, 
Jaina, Buddhist and secular Brahmanical literature, 
such a narrative of the political vicissitudes of the Post- 
Parikshita-pre-Bimbisarian period as may not be less 
intelligible to the reader than Dr. Smith's account of the 
transactions of the Post-Bimbisarian age It has also 
been thought expedient to append, towards the end of 
this part, a short chapter on kingship in the Brahmana- 
Jataka period. The purpose of the second part is to 
provide a history of the period from Bimbisara to the 
Guptas which will be, to a certain extent, more up to date, 
if less voluminous, than the classic work of Dr. Smith. 

The greater part of the volume now published was 
written some years ago, and the author has not had 


the opportunity to discuss some of the novel theories 
advanced in recent works like The Cambridge History of 
India, and Mr. Pargiter's Ancient Indian HUtorioal 

The writer of these pages otters hi> tribute of respect 
to the Hon'ble Sir Asutosh Mookerjee for providing 
opportunities for study which render it possible for a 
young learner to carry on investigation in the subject 
of his choice. To Professor D. R. Bhandarkar the 
author is grateful for the interest taken in the prog 
of the work. His acknowledgments are also due to 
Messrs. Girindramohan Sarkar and Rameschandra 
Raychaudhuri for their assistance in preparing the 
Indexes. Lastly, this preface cannot be closed without a 
word of thanks to Mr. A. C. Ghatak, the Superintendent, 
for his help in piloting the work through the Press. 

H. C. R. 

July 16, 1923. 




















Fall of Kasi 
















Grama Vridhas 

Grama Vriddhas 















Pradad Avambika 









reverence " 












Puranic manuscripts 








86 w6 








Ayasi Komusa 



Nadasi-Kasa- Arta Nadasi Akasa «= Arta 












" Rajadiraja " 















matron yraic 


















Prithivisena I 

Prithivishcna I 








Malavaganam nata 















Gand as 




From the Accession of Parikshit to 

the Coronation of Bimbisara. 


Foreword ... ... ... ... i 

Sources ... ... ... ... ii 

The Age of the Parikshitas ... ... 1 

The Age of the Great Janaka ... ... 1G 

The Later Vaidehas of Mithila ... ... 37 

The Deccan in the Age of the Later Vaidehas ... 40 

The Sixteen Mahajanapadas ... ... 45 

The Fall of Kasi and the Ascendancy of Kosala ... 79 

Kingship ... ... ... ... 82 


From the coronation of Bimbisara to 
the extinction of the gupta dynasty. 

Foreword ... ... ... ... 95 

The rise of Magadha. 

The Age of Bimbisara ... ... ... 97 

Kunika Ajatas'atru ... ... ... 105 

Ajfltasatru's successors ... ... ... 108 

The Chronology of the Bimbisara-Sisunaga group ... 116 

The Nandas ... ... ... ... 117 


The Persian and Macedonian 



The Persian and Macedonian invasions ... 122 

The Maurta Empire: the Era. of Digvijaya. 

The Reign of Chandragupta Maurya ... ... 137 

The Reign of Bindusara ... ... ... 155 

The Early years of As'oka ... ... ... 158 

The Maurya Empire: The Era of 
Dhammavijaya and Decline. 

Asoka after the Kalihga war ... ... 169 

The Later Mauryas and the Decline of their power 1*3 

The Sunga Empire and the Bactrian 

The Reign of Pushyamitra ... ... 197 

Agnimitra and his successors ... ... 211 

The Fall of the Magadhan and 
Indo-Greek Powers. 

The Kanvas and the Later Sungas ... ... 215 

The Satavahanas and the Chetas ... ... 216 

The End of Greek Rule in North- West India ... 225 

Scythian Rule in Northern Inma. 

The Sakas ... ... ... ... 230 

The Pahlavas or Parthians ... ... ... 242 

The Kushans ... ... „. ... 245 



Scythian Rule in Southern and 
Western India. 

The Kshaharatas ... ... ... 257 

The Restoration of the Satavahana empire ... 262 

The Sakas of Ujjain . ... ... ... 266 

The Gupta Empire. 

The Rise of the Gupta Power ... ... 271 

The Age of the Vikramadityas ... ... 282 

The Later Guptas ... ... ... 294 


Bibliographical Index 

General Index 


A.G.I. ... 

Ancient Geography of India. « 

A. H. D. ... 

Ancient History of the Deccan. 

Ait. Br. ... 

Aitareya Brahmana. 


Plutarch's Life of Alexander. 



A. V. 

Atharva Veda. 

Bau. Sutra 

baudhayana Dharma Sutra. 



Brih. Up. ... 

BrihadSranyaka Upanishad. 

Bud. Ind. ... 

Buddhist India. 

Camb. Ed. 

Cambridge Editiou. 

Carm. Lee. 

Carmichael Lectures, 1918. 

Chh. Up. ... 

Chhandogva Upanishad. 

C.I.I. ... 

... Corpus Inscriptionum I j^icarum, Vol. iii. 


Digha Nikaya. 

Dialogues ... 

Dialogues of the Buddha. 


... Edition. 

E. H. I. ... 

... Early History of India, 1914. 

Ep. Ind. ... 

Epigraphia Indica. 


. . . Gazetteer. 

G. E. 

... Gupta Era. 

Gop. Br. ... 

Gopatha Brahmana 



H. andF. ... 

Hamilton and Falconer's Translation of 

Strabo's Geography. 

Ind. Ant. ... 

Indian Antiquary. 

Ind. Lit. ... 

History of Indian Literature. 

Inv. Alex. 

Invasion of Alexander. 



J. A. S, B. 

Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic 

Society of Bengal. 

J. B. 0. R. S. 

... Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research 


J. R. A. S. 

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

Kaush. Up. 

Kaushitaki Upanishad. 




Arthasastra of Kautilya, Mysore, 1910. 


... The Life of Hiuen Tsang. 


Majjhima Nikaya. 

M. A. S. I. 

Memoirs o* the Archa i ological Sumy of 



Matsya Purana. 



M. R. 

... Minor Rock Edict. 


... Nikaya. 


. . . Purana. 



R. V. 

Rig- Veda. 

Sans. Lit. 

Sanskrit Literature. 

Sat. Br. ... 

... Satapatha Brahmana. 

S. B. E. ... 

Sacred Books of the East. 

& E. 

Saka Era. 

S.I.I. ... 

South Indian Inscriptions. 

Ved. Ind. ... 

Vedic Index. 

Viz. Dist. Gaz. 

Vizagapatam District Gazetteer. 

Z. D. M. G. 

... Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandis- 

ehen Gesellschaft. 



From the Accession of Parikshit to the 
Coronation of Bimbisara 


No Thucydides or Tacitus has left for posterity a 
genuine history of Ancient India. But the researches of 
a multitude of scholars have disclosed an unexpected 
wealth of materials for the reconstruction of the ancient 
history of our country. 

The first attempt to sort and arrange the accumulated 
and ever-growing stores of knowledge was made by 
Dr. Vincent Smith. But the excellent historian, failing 
to find sober history in bardic tales, ignored the period 
immediately succeeding " the famous war waged on the 
banks of the Jumna, between the sons of Kuru and the 
sons of Pandu," and took as his starting point the middle 
of the seventh century B. C. My aim has been to 
sketch in outline the political history of Ancient India 
including the neglected period. I have taken as my 
starting point the accession of Parikshit, which according 
to Epic and Pauranic tradition took place shortly after 
the Bharata War. 

Valuable information regarding the Parikshita and 
the post-Parikshita periods has been supplied by eminent 


scholars like Oldenberg, Macdonell, Keith, Rhys Davids, 

Pargiter, Bhandarkar and others. But the attempt to 

give a connected history from Parikshit to Bimbisara is, 

believe, made for the first time in the following pages. 


No inscription or coin has unfortunately been dis- 
covered which can be referred, with any amount of certain- 
ty, to the pre-Bimbisarian period. Our chief reliance 
must therefore be placed upon literary evidence. Un- 
fortunately this evidence is purely Indian, and is not 
supplemented by those foreign notices which have done 
more than any archaeological discovery to render possible 
the remarkable resuscitation of the history of the post- 
Bimbisarian period. 

Indian literature useful for the purpose of the his- 
torian of the post-Parikshita-pre-Bimbisarian age may 
be divided into five classes, viz. : — 

I. Brahmanical literature of the post-Parikshita- 
pre-Bimbisarian period. This class of literature naturally 
contributes the most valuable information regarding the 
history of the earliest dynasties and comprises ; 

(a) The last book of the Atharva Veda. 

(b) The Aitareya, Satapatha, _ Taittirlya and other 
ancient Brahmanas. 

(c) The Brihadaranyaka, Chhandogya and other 
classical Upanishads. 

That these works belong to the post-Parikshita period 
is proved by repeated references to Parikshit, to his son 
Janamejaya, and to Janaka of Videha at whose court the 
fate of the Parikshitas was made the subject of a philo- 
sophical discussion. That these works are pre-Buddhistic 
and, therefore, pre-Bimbisarian has been proved by com- 
petent critics like Dr, Rajendralal Mitra (Translation 


of the Chhandogya Upanishad, pp. 28*24), Professor 
Macdonell (History of Sanskrit Literature, pp. 189, 202- 
203, 226) and others. 

II. The second class comprises Brahmanical works to 
which no definite date can be assigned, but large portions 
of which, in the opinion of competent critics, belong to 
the post-Bimbisarian period. To this class belong the 
Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Puranas. The 
present Ramayana not only mentions Buddha Tathagata 
(II. 1C9. 34), but distinctly refers to the struggles of the 
Hindus with mixed hordes of Yavanas and Sakas, m^H 
W*l flffircn*l (I. 54. 21). In the Kishkindhya Kanda 
(IV. 43. 11-12), Sugriva places the country of the 
Yavanas and the cities of the Sakas between the 
country of the Kurus and the Madras, and the Himalayas. 
This shows that the Grseco-Scythians at that time 
occupied parts of the Pan jab. 

As regards the present Mahabharata, Hopkins says 
(Great Epic of India, pp. 391-393), " Buddhist supremacy 
already decadent is implied by passages which allude 
contemptuously to the edukas or Buddhistic monuments 
as having ousted the temples of the gods. Thus in III. 
190. 65 'They will revere edukas, they will neglect the 
gods' ; ib. 67 ' the earth shall be piled with edukas, not 
adorned with godhouses.' With such expressions may 
be compared the thoroughly Buddhistic epithet, Catur- 
maharajika in XII. 339. 40 and Buddhistic philosophy 
as expounded in the same book." 

" The Greeks are described as a western people and 

their overthrow is alluded to The Romans, 

Romakas, are mentioned but once, in a formal list of all 
possible peoples II. 51. 17, and stand thus in marked 
contrast to the Greeks and Persians, Pahlavas, who are 

mentioned very often The distinct prophecy that 

1 Scythians, Greeks and Bactrians will rule unrighteously 


in the evil age to come ' which occurs in III. 188. 35 
is too clear a statement to be ignored or explained 

The Puranas which contain lists of kings of the Kali 
Age cannot be placed earlier than the third or fourth 
century A.D. because they refer to the Andhra kings 
and even to the post-Audhras. 

It is clear from what has been stated above that the 
Epics and Puranas, in their present shape, are late works 
which are no better suited to serve as the foundation of 
the history of the pre-Bimbisarian age than the tales of 
the Mahavamsa and the Asokavadana are adapted to 
form the bases of chronicles of the doings of the great 
Maury a. At the same time we shall not be justified in 
rejecting their evidence wholesale because much of it 
is undoubtedly old and valuable. The warning to handla 
critically, which Dr. Smith considered necessary with 
regard to the Ceylonese chronicles, is certainly appli- 
cable to the Sanskrit Epics and Puranas. 

III. The third class of literature comprises Brahma- 
nical works of the post-Bimbisarian period to which a 
definite date may be assigned, e.g., the Arthasastra of 
Kautilya who flourished in fourth century B.C., the Maha- 
bhashya of Patanjali (second century B.C.), etc. The value 
as dated literature of these important works can hardly be 
overestimated. They form sheet anchors in the troubled 
sea of Indian chronology. Their evidence with regard to 
the pre-Bimbisarian age is certainly inferior to that of 
the Brahmanas and the Upanishads, but the very fact 
that such information as they contain comes from persons 
of known date, makes it more valuable than the Epic and 
Pauranic tradition, the antiquity and authenticity of which 
can always be called in question. 

IV. To the fourth class belong the Buddhist Suttas, 
Vinaya texts and the Jatakas. Most of these works are 


assignable to pre-Suiiga times. They furnish a good deal 
of useful information regarding the period which im- 
mediately preceded the accession of Bhnbisara. They 
have also the merit of preserving Buddhist versions of 
ancient stories and vouchsafe light when the light from 
Brahmanical sources begins to fail. 

V. To the fifth class belong works of the Jaina 
canon which were reduced to writing in A.D. 1 5 1 
(S. B. E., Vol. XXIT, p. xxxvii, XLV, p. xl). They 
supply valuable information regarding many kings 
who lived during the pre-Bimbisarian Age. But their 
late date makes their evidence not wholly reliable. 


The Age of the Parikshitas. 

We have taken as our starting point tWt reign of 
Parikshit whose accession, according to tradition, took 
place shortly after the Bharata War. 

Was there really a king named Parikshit ? True, 
he is mentioned in the Maliabharata and the Puranas. 
But the mere mention of a king in this kind of literature 
is no sure proof of his historical existence unless we 
have external evidence to corroborate the Epic and 
Pauranic account. 

Parikshit appears in a passage of the Twentieth Book 
of the Atharva Veda Sariihita (A.V., XX. 127. 7-10) as a 
king in whose realm, that of the Kurus, prosperity and 
peace abound. We quote the entire passage below. 

" Rajfio visvajaninasya yo devomartyam ati 
Vaisvanarasya sushtutima sunota Parikshitah 
Parichchhinnah kshemamakarot tama asanamacharan 
Kulayan krinvan Kauravyah patirvadati jayaya 
Katarat ta ahamni dadhi mantham pari s'rutam 
Jayah patim vi prichchhati rashtre rajfiah Parikshitah 
Abhivasvah pra jihlte yavah pakkah patho bilam 
Janah sa bhadramedhati rashtre rajiiah Parikshitah " 

" Listen ye to the high praise of the king who rules over 
all peoples, the god who is above mortals, of VaisvSnara 
Parikshit ! Parikshit has procured for us a secure dwel- 
ling when he, the most excellent one, went to his seat. 
(Thus) the husband in Kuru land, when he founds his 
household, converses with his wife. 

"What may I bring to thee, curds, stirred drink or 
liquor ? (Thus) the wife asks her husband in the kingdom 
i king Parikshit. 


" Like light the ripe barley runs over beyond the 
mouth (of the vessels). The people thrive merrily in the 
kingdom of king Parikshit. " — (Bloomfield, Atharva Veda, 
pp. 197-198.) 

Roth and Bloomfield regard Parikshit in the Atharva 
Veda not as a human king at all. But Zimmer and 
Oldenberg recognise Parikshit as a real king, a view 
supported by the fact that in the Aitareya and Satapatha 
Brahmanas king Janamejaya bears the patronymic Piirik- 
shita. Cf. the following passage of the Aitareya 
Brahmana (VIII. 21). 

"Etena ha va Aindrena mahabhishekena Turah Kava- 
sheyo Janamejayam Parikshitamabhishishecha." 

Referring to king Parikshit Macdonell and Keith 
observe (Vedic Index, Vol. I, p. 494). "The Epic makes 
him grand-father of Pratisravas and great-grand- fat her 
of Pratipa." Now, the Epic has really two Parikshits, 
one a son of Avikshit or Anasva and an ancestor of 
Pratisravas and Pratipa, the other a descendant of Pratipa 
and a son of Abhimanyu (Mahabharata, Adiparva, 
94.52 and 95.41). We shall call the former Parikshit 
I and the latter Parikshit II. Was Parikshit I of 
the Epic identical with the Vedic Parikshit ? The Vedic 
Parikshit had four sons, namely, Janamejaya, Ugrasena, 
BMmasena and Srutasena (Vedic Index, Vol. I, p. 520). 
The Epic Parikshit I, on the other hand, had only one 
son (BMmasena) according to Chapter 95, verse 42 of 
the Adiparva of the Mahabharata, and seven sons (Jana- 
mejaya, Kakshasena, Ugrasena, Chitrasena, Indrasena, 
Sushena and Bhimasena) according to Chapter 94, verses 
54-55, and among these the name of Srutasena does not 
occur. Even Janamejaya is omitted in Chapter 95 and in 
the Java text (JRAS, 1913). The Epic poet, therefore, wis 
not quite sure whether this Parikshit (I) was the father of 
Janamejaya and Srutasena. On the other hani, according 


to the unanimous testimony of the Mahabharata and 
the Puranas Parikshit II had undoubtedly a son named 
Janamejaya who succeeded him on the throne. Thus, the 
Mahabharata, referring to Parikshit II, the son of Abhi- 
manyu, says (I. 95. 85) : — 

" Parikshit khalu Madravatim namopayeme tvan- 
mataram. Tasyam bhavan Janamejayah." 

The Matsya Purana says (Mat. 50. 57) : — 

" Abhimanyoh Parikshittu putrah parapuranjayah 
Janamejayah Parikshitah putrah paramadharmikah." 

This Janamejaya had three brothers, namely, Srutasena, 
Ugrasena and Bhimasena : — " Janamejayah Parikshitah 
saha bhratribhilji Kurukshetre dirgha satram upaste tasya 
bhratara strayah Srutasena Ugraseno Bhimasena iti 
(Mbh. I. 3. 1). 

Particulars regarding the son and successor of the 
Vedic Parikshit agree well with what we know of the 
son and successor of the Epic and Pauranic Parikshit II. 
Janamejaya, the son of the Vedic Parikshit, is mentioned 
in the Satapatha Brahmana as a performer of the Asva- 
medha. The priest who performed the sacrifice for him 
was Indrota Daivapa Saunaka. On the other hand, the 
Aitareya Brahmana which also mentions his Asvamedha 
names Tura Kavasheya as his priest. The statements of 
the Satapatha and Aitareya Brahmanas are apparently 
conflicting, and can only be reconciled if we surmise that 
Janamejaya performed two horse sacrifices. Is there any 
evidence that he actually did so ? Curiously enough the 
Puranas give the evidence which is needed. The Matsya 
Pitrfina speaking of Janamejaya, the grandson of Abhi- 
manyu and the son of Parikshit II, says: 

Dvirasv micd Iiamahritya mahavajasaneyakal.1 
Pravartayitva- tarn sarvam rishim Vajasaneyakam 
Vivade Brahmanaih Barddhamabhisapto vanaih yayau. 

(Mat. 30. <;:J-64.) 


The quarrel with the Brahmanas. alluded to in the 
last line, is also mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana 
(VII. 27). 

Parikshit II has thus a greater claim than Pari k shit I 
to he regarded as identical with the Vedic Parikshit. 
It is, however, possihle that Parikshit I and Parikshit II 
were really one and the same individual, but the Epic 
and Pauranic poets had some doubts as to whether he 
was to be regarded as an ancestor or a descendant of the 
Pandavas. The fact that not onlv the name Parikshit, 
but the names of most of the sons (in the Vishnu Purana 
the names of all the sons) are common to both, points 
to the same conclusion. We shall show later that a 
Kuru prince named Abhipratarin Kakshaseni (i.e., the son 
of Kakshasena) was one of the immediate successors of 
the Vedic Janamejaya. Kakshasena thus appears to have 
been a very near relation of Janamejaya. Now a prince 
of that name actually appears as a brother of Janamejaya 
and a son of Parikshit I, in chapter 94 of the Mahabharata. 
This fact seems to identify the Vedic Parikshit with 
Parikshit I of the Epic. But we have already seen that 
other facts are in favour of an identification with 
Parikshit II. Parikshit I and Parikshit II, therefore, 
appearto have been really one and the same individual. That 
there was a good deal of confusion regarding the parentage 
of Parikshit, and the exact position of the king and his 
sons in the Kuru genealogy is apparent from the dynastic 
lists given by the Great Epic and the Vishnu Purana. 
The latter work says (IV. 20. 1) " Parikshito Janamejaya 
Srutasenograsena Bhimasenasehatvarah putrah."^ It then 
gives the names of Kuru princes down to the IVtndus and 
Parikshit II, and adds (IV. 21. 1) " Atahparaih bhavi- 
shyanahaih bhumipalan kirtavishye. Yo 'yam sampratam 
avanipatih tasyaj)i Janamejaya ^rutasenograsena Bhiina- 
senajj putrfischatvaro bhavishyanti." The eo illusion 


may have been due to the fact thai acrordingto oik- tradition 
Parikshit, the father of Jananicjaya, was the ancestor of 
the Pandus, while according to another tradition he was 
their descendant, and the Kpic and the Pauranic writers 
sought to reconcile the traditions by postulating the 
existence of two Parikshits and two .lana:neja\ as. Tin- 
important fact to remember is that Parikshit, with whose 
accession our history begins, should be identified with 
his Vedic namesake. This conclusion follows from facts 
to which reference has already been made. We have 
seen that all the known facts about Parikshit II, the king 
who ruled after the Bharata war, and his sons tally 
with what we know about the Vedic Parikshit and his 
sons. There cannot be any doubt as to his historical 

Many stories about Parikshit in the epic and the 
Purauas are obviously legendary. The only facts that 
can be accepted as historical are that he was a king of 
the Kurus, that the people lived prosperously under his 
rule, that he had many sons, and that the eldest prince 
Janamejaya succeeded him. 

It will not be quite out of place here to say a few 
words about the kingdom of Kuru over which Parikshit 
ruled. The kingdom extended from the Sarasvatl to the 
Ganges, and was divided into three parts, Kuril j In gala, 
the Kurus and Kurnkshetra (Mbh. I. 109. 1). The 
boundaries of Kurnkshetra are given in a passage 
of the Taittiriya Aranyaka (Vedic Index, I., pp. 1G9-70) 
as being Khandava on the south, the Turghna on the 
north, and the Parlnah on the west. Roughly speaking, it 
corresponded to the modern Sirhind. Within the kingdom 
flowed the rivers DtishadvatT. KausikJ, Aruna and 
Sarasvatl, as well as the Apaya. Here, too, was situated 
$aryanavant, which appears to have been a lake, like 
that known to die Satapalha Hrahmana by the name of 


Anyatah-plaksha. According to Pischel there was also 
in Kurukshetra a stream called Pastya. 

The capital of the kingdom was Asandlvant (Vedic 
Index, Vol. I, p. 72). This city was probably identical 
with Hastinapura the capital which was abandoned by 
Nichakshu, the famous descendant of Parikshit, when he 
removed to Kaus'ambl. 

Gangayapahrite tasmin nagare Nagasahvaye 
Tyaktva Nichakshu nagararh Kaus'ambyam sani\ atsvati. 
(Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. ">. i 

According to epic tradition the kings of Kurukshetra 
belonged to the Bharata family. The connection of the 
Bharatas with the Kuru country is amply attested by 
Vedic evidence. Oldenberg says (Buddha, pp. 409- 
410): — "We find in the Rik-Samhita trace of a peculiar 
position occupied by the Bharatas, a special connection 
of theirs with important points of sacred significance, 
which are recognized throughout the whole circle of an- 
cient Vedic culture. Agni is Bharata, i. e., propitious or 
belonging to the Bharata or Bharatas ; among the pro- 
tecting deities who are invoked in the Aprl-odes, we find 
BharatI, the personified divine protective power of the 
Bharatas. We find the Sarasvatl constantly named 
in connection with her ; must not the sacred river 
Sarasvatl be the river of the holy people, the Bharatas? 
In one ode of the Mandala, which specially extols the 
Bharatas (III. 23), the two Bharatas, Devacravas and Deva- 
vata, are spoken of, who have generated Agni by friction : 
on the Drishadvati, on the Apaya, on the Sarasvatl may 
Agni beam. We find thus Bharata princes sacrificinLr 
in the land on the Drishadvati and on the Sai aftvatT. 
Now the land on the Drishadvati, and blithe Suisvati 
is that which is later on so highly celebrated ftlT Kuru- 
kshetra. Thus the testimonies off tfa» Bftmhitfl and the 


Brahmana combine to establish the close connection of 
the ideas Bharata, Kuril, Sarasvati. 

"Out of the struggles in which the mi-raton period 
of the \ ("die stocks vrfefl passed, the Bharatas issued, as we 
believe we are entitled to suppose the course of events t<. 
have been, as the possessors of the regions round the 
Sarasvati and Drishadvati. The weapons of the Bharata 
princes and the poetical fame of their Kishis may have 
co-operated to acquire for the cult of the Bharatas the 
character of universally acknowledged rule, and for the 
Bharatas a kind of sacral hegemony : hence Agni as 
friend of the Bharatas, the goddess BharatI, the sacred - 
ness of the Sarasvati and Drishadvati. 

"Then came the period, when the countless small 
stocks of the Samhita age were fused together to form 
the greater peoples of the Brahmana period. The 
Bharatas found their place, probably together with their 
old enemies, the Purus, within the great complex of 
peoples now in process of formation, the Kurus ; their 
sacred land now became Kurukshetra." 

Among those kings who are mentioned in the Maha- 
bharata (Adi-parva, Chapters 94 and 95) as ancestors 
and predecessors of Parikshit, the names of the following 
occur in the Vedic literature. 

Puru-ravas Aila (Rig- Veda, X. 95 : gat-Br.,IXI.5. 1. 1), 
Ayu (Rig- Veda I. 53. 10, II. 14. 7, etc.), Yayati Nahushya 
(R. V., I. 31. 17; X. 63. 1), Puru (R. V., VII. 8. 4 ; 18. 13), 
Bharata Dauhshanti Saudyumni (Sat. Br., XIII. 5. 4. 11-12), 
A.jamldha (R. V., IV. 44. 6), Riksha (R. V., VII 1. 68. 15), 
Kuru (frequently mentioned in the Brahmana lit < r i - 
ture), Uchchaihs'ravas (Jaiminiya Tpanishad Brahmana 
III. 29. 1-3), Pratlpa Pratisatvana or Pratisutvana 
(Atharva Veda, XX. 129. 2), Balhika Pratipiva (Sat. Br., 
XII. 9. 3. 3), Saihtanu (R. V., X. 98), Dhritai-ohtra 
Vaiehitravirya i Kathaka Samhii.i. \ <'■). 


The date of Parikshit is a matter regarding which the 
Vedic texts supply no direct information. There is however 
a remarkable verse, found with alight variants in all the 
historical Puranas, which places his birth 1050 (or 101.') ac- 
cording to the e Vayu, Vishnu, and Bhagavata Puranas), 
years before Mahapadma, the first Nanda king of Magadha. 


Vavajjanma Parlkshitah 

Evarh varsha sahasrarhtu 

Jneyam paiicas'aduttaram. 

(Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 58.) 

If, accepting the Ceylonese chronology (Geiger, Malia- 
vamsa, p. 27), we place the first Nanda twenty-two years 
before the accession of Chandragupta Maurya, i. e^ in 
322 + 22 = 344 B.C., Parikshit's birth must be dated about 
1394 B. C. (1359 B. C. according to the e Vayu and Vishnu 
Puranas). If, on the other hand, we give credence to tin 1 
testimony of the Vayu Purana (99. 328-329, "Ashtavim- 
sati varshani prithivim palayishyati," etc.) and take 40 
years (Mahapadma, 28 + his sons' 12) to be the reign- 
period of Nanda and his sons, then Parikshit's birth must 
be dated about 322+40+1,050=1412 B. C. (1377 B. C. 
according to the e Vayu and Vishnu Puranas). He is 
said to have come to the throne 36 years later in 1376 or 
1341 B. C. (cf. Mahabharata Maushalaparva, " Shattrims'e 
tvatha samprapte varshe," etc., and Mahaprasthanikapar- 
va, "abhishichya svarajye cha rajjinancha Parikshitam.)" 
It is clear that epic and Pauranic tradition places the 
accession of Parikshit alcut the middle of the lit li 
century B. C. Vedic evidence, however, points to a much 
later date. We shall show in the next chapter that 
Parikshit's son and successor Janamejav.i avis separated 
by six generations of teachers from the time of .lanak a 
and his contemporary Uddalaka Aruni. At the end of 

POLITICAL histoid 01 INDIA * 9 

the Kaushitaki Aranyaka (Adhyaya 15) we find a vam-a 
or list of the teachers by whom the knowledge contain- 
ed in that Aranyaka is supposed to have been handed 
down. The opening words of this list run thus: — 

" Om ! Now follows the variisa. Adoration to the 

Brahman. Adoration to the teachers! We have learnt 

this text from Gunakhya Sankhayana, Gunakhya 

Sankhayana from Kahola kaushitaki, Kahola Kaushitaki 

from Uddalaka Aruni." 

(S. B. E., Vol. XXIX, p. 4.) 

From the passage quoted above it is clear that 
Sankhayana was separated by two generations from 
the time of Uddalaka who was separated by six 
generations from the time of Janamejaya. Sankhayana, 
therefore, flourished eight generations after Jana- 
mejaya, and nine generations after Parikshit. If this 
Sankhayana (Gunakhya Sankhayana) be identical 
with the author of the Sankhayana Grihya Sutra he 
must have been a contemporary of Asvalayana because 
they mention each other in their respective works. The 
Prasna Upanishad tells us that Asvalayana was a Kau- 
salya, i.e., an inhabitant of Kosala, and a contemporary 
of Kavandhi Katyayana. These facts enable us to 
identify him with Assalayana of Savattbi mentioned 
in the Majjhima Nikaya 'II. 147 et seq) as a contemporary 
of Gotama Buddha and, hence, of Kakuda or Pakudha 
Kachchayana. Consequently Asvalayana must have 
lived in the sixth century B.C. If the identification of 
Gunakhya Sankhayana with the Grihya Sutrakara be 
correct, then he, too, must have lived in the sixth cen- 
tury B.C. Professor Rhys Davids in his Buddhist Suttas 
assigns 150 years to the five Theras from Upali to 
Mahinda. We may therefore assign 270 years to the 
nine generations from Parikshit to Sankhayana, and place 
Parikshit in the ninth century B.C. It is, however, 


possible that Gunakhya S&Akhyayana was not identical 
with the Grihya Sutrakara (cf. S. B. E. XXIX, pp. 4-5). 

Parikshit was succeeded on the Kuru throne by his 
eldest son Janamejaya. The Mahabharata refers to a 
great snake sacrifice performed by this king. In this 
connection it is mentioned that the king conquered 
Taxila. Although a passage of the Panchavimsa Brah- 
mana connects a Janamejaya with the snake-sacrifice 
(Vedic Index, I., p. 274), the epic account of the Kuru 
king's Sarpa-satra cannot be accepted as sober history. 
But the conquest of Taxila may well be a historical fact, 
because King Janamejaya is represented as a great con- 
queror in the Brahmanas. Thus the Aitareya Brahmana 
says (VIII. 21) " Janamejayah Parikshitah samantam 
sarvatah prithivim jayan pariyayasvena cha medhyeneje 
tadesha'bhi yajfia gatha giyate : 

Asandivati dhanyadam rukminam harita srajam 
Asvam babandha sarangam devebhyo Janamejaya iti " 

In another passage of the Aitareya Brahmana (VII 1. 11) 
it it stated that Janamejaya, aspired to be a "San a- 
bhumi," i.e., a paramount sovereign — 

" Evamvidam hi vai ma mevamvida ya javanti tasma- 
daham jayamyabhitvarim senaxh jayamyabhitvarya senayfi 
nama divya na mannshya ishava richchhantye shyami 
sarva mayuh sarva bhumir bhavishvamiti." 

The Puranas state that Janamejaya performed two 
horse sacrifices and had a dispute with Vaisampayana and 
the Brahmanas. The Matsva version, which is considered 
by Pargiter to be the oldest, says the king made a success- 
ful stand against them for sometime, but afterwards gave 
in and, making his son king, departed to the forest ; but 
the Vayu version has abridged the, verses, and says ln- 
perished and the Brahmanas made his son kinjj. The 
Pauranic narrative is strikingly confirmed by the evidence 
of the Brahmanas. The Satapatha Brahmana refers to one 


of the horse sacrifices, and says that the priest who per- 
formed the sacrifice for him was Indroia Daivapi Sauna- 
ka. The Aitareya Brahmana mentions the other sacrifice 
and names Tura Kavasheya as his priest. It also con- 
tains a tale stating that at one sacrifice of his he did not 
employ the Kasyapas, hut the Bhutaviras. Thereupon a 
family of the Kasyapas called Asita-mriga forcibly took 
away the conduct of the offering from the Bhutaviras. 
We have here probably the germ of the Pauranic stories 
about Janamejaya's dispute with the Brahmanas. An 
allusion to this quarrel occurs also in Kautilya's Arthas- 
astra (Cf. "Kopaj Janamejayo Brahmaneshu vikrantal,i"). 

The Gopatha Brahmana narrates an anecdote of 
Janamejaya and two ganders, pointing out the importance 
of Brahmacharya, and the time which should be devoted 
to it. The story is absurd, but it shows that Janamejaya 
was already looked upon as an ancient hero in the time 
of the Gopatha Brahmana. The Ramayana also refers 
to Janamejaya as a great king of the past (II. (H.42). 

Janamejaya's capital according to a gatha quoted in 
the ^atapatha and Aitareya Brahmanas was As mdivant, 
probably identical with the famous city of Hastinapuia 
mentioned not only in the Mahabharata, but also in the 
Ramayana, 11.68.13, and the Ashtadhyayi of Panini, VI. 
2. L01. The gatha has been quoted above in connection 
with the king's conquests. Its meaning is given below : — 
u In Asandivat Janamejaya bound for the gods a black-spotted, 
grain-eating liorse, adorned with a golden ornament and with yellow- 
garlands. " 

(Ejrgelinp, Sat. Br., V, p. 39f>}. 

The palace of Janamejaya is referred to in the following 

passage of the &atapatha Brahmana : — 

"Even as they constantly sprinkle the equal prize-winning steeds 
so (they pour out) the cups full of fiery liquor in the palace of Jan- 

(Il.i.l. J.96.) 


It was at the court of Janamejaya that Vaisampayana 
is said to have related the story of the great struggle be- 
tween the Kurus and the Paribus. No direct independent 
proof of this war is forthcoming, but a dim allusion to the 
battle of Kurukshetra is probably contained in the follow- 
ing verse of the Chhandogya Upanishad (VI.17.9). 

Yato yata avartate tad tad gachchhati inanavnh 
Kurun as'vabhirakshati. 

This gatha has been referred to by Hopkins (The 
Great Epic of India, p 385). 

It may be asserted that the Pandus are a body of 
strangers unknown to the Vedic texts, and that therefore 
the story of their feuds with the Kurus must be post- 
Vedic. But such a conclusion would be wrong because, 
firstly, an argumentum ex silentio is always a weak argu- 
ment, and, secondly, the Pandus are not a body of strangers 
but are scions of the Kurus. Hopkins indeed, says that 
they were an unknown folk connected with the wild 
tribes located north of the Ganges (the Religions of 
India, p. 388). But Patanjali calls Bhlma, Nakula and 
Sahadeva Kurus (Ind. Ant. I. p. 350). Hindu tradition 
is unanimous in representing the Pandavas as an offshoot 
of the Kuru race. The testimony of Buddhist literature 
points to the same conclusion. In the Dasa-Brahmana 
Jataka (Jataka No. 495) a king " of the stock of 
Yuddhitthila" reigning " in the kingdom of Kuru and 
the city called Indapatta * is distinctly called " Koravx a 
i. e., Kauravya — " belonging to the Kuru race." 

Already in the time of Asvalayana's Grihya Sutra 
(III. 1) Vaisampayana was known as Mahabharatac liana. 
Vaisampayana is also mentioned in the Taittiriya Aran- 
yaka (I. 7. 5) and the Ashtadhyayi of Panini (IV. 3. 
104). Whether Vaisampayana was a contemporary of 
Janamejaya or not, cannot be ascertained at the pre 



moment. But I have found nothing in the Vedic litera- 
ture itself which goes against the epic tradition. 

The early Vedic texts no doubt make no reference to 
the Mahabharata, but they mention " Itihasas " (A. V. 
XV. 6. 11-12). It is well known that the story recited 
by Vaisampayana to Janamejaya was at first called an 
Itihasa and was named " Java " or victory, i. e., victory 
of the Pandus, the ancestors of the king. 

" Muchyate sarva papebhyo Rah una Chandrama yatha 
Jayo nametihciso'yam srotavyo vijigishuna " 

(Mbh. Adi. 62. 20). 

Janamejaya's brothers, Bhimasena, Ugrasena and $ru- 
tasena appear in the Satapatha Brahmana (XIII 5. A. 3) 
and the ^ankhayana $rauta Sutra (XVI. 9. 7) as performers 
of the horse-sacrifice. In the Bfihadaranyaka Upani- 
shad the question whither they have gone is made the 
subject of a philosophical discussion. It is clear that the 
Parikshitas had passed away before the time of the 
Upanishad, and it is also clear that there had been some 
serious scandal mingled with their greatness which they 
had atoned for by their horse-sacrifice. The ^atapatha 
Brahmana quotes a gatha which says : — 

" The righteous Parikshitas, performing horse sacri- 
fices, by their righteous work did away with sinful work 
one after another." 

The Puranas state that Janamejaya was succeeded by 
Satanika. Satanika's son and successor was Asvame- 
dhadatta. From Asvamedhadatta was born Adhisima- 
krishna. Adhisimakrishna's son was Nichakshu. During 
king Nichakshu's reign the city of Hastinapura is Bai 1 
to have been carried away by the Ganges, and the king 
is said to have transferred his capital to Kausambl (Par- 
giter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 5). 


The Vedic texts do not refer to any of these succes- 
sors of Janamejaya. The Rigveda no doubt mentions a 
king namedAsvamedha (V. 27. 4-6), but there is nothing 
to show that he is identical with As'vamedhadatta. A 
datantka Satrajita is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana 
and the Satapatha Brahmana as a irreat king who defeated 
Dhritarashtra, the prince of Kasi, and took away hi^ 
sacrificial horse. He was probably a Bharata, but the 
patronymic Satrajita indicates that he was different from 
Satanika the son of Janamejaya. The Panchaviihsa 
Brahmana, Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana and the 
Chhandogya Upanishad mention a Kuru king named 
Abhipratarin Kakshaseni who was a contemporary of Giri- 
kshit Auchchamanyava, Saunaka Kapeya, and Driti Ain- 
drota. As Driti Aindrota was the son and pupil of In- 
drota Daivapa Saunaka the priest of Janamejaya (Vams'a 
Brahmana; Vedic Index, Vol. I, pp. 27, 373), Abhipratarin. 
son of Kakshasena, appears to have been one of the imme- 
diate successors of Janamejaya. We have already seen 
that Kakshasena appears in the Mahabharata (I. 94* 1 
as the name of a brother of Janamejaya. Abhipratarin 
was thus Janamejaya's nephew. The Aitareya Brahmana 
and the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra (XV. 10. 10-13) refer 
to a prince named Vriddhadyumna Abhipratarina, appar- 
ently the son of Abhipratarin. The Aitareya Brahmana 
(Trivedi's translation, pp. 322-323) mentions his son 
Rathagritsa and priest Suchivriksha Gaupalayana. The 
Saiikhayana Srauta Sutra informs us that Vriddhadyum- 
na erred in a sacrifice, when a Brahmana prophesied that 
the result would be the expulsion of the Kurus 
from Kurukshetra, an event which actually came to 

The Chhandogya Upanishad refers to the devastation 
of the crops in the Kuru country by Matacht (hailstones or 
locusts) and the enforced departure of Ushasti Chakravana 


a contemporary of Janaka of Videha (Brihad. Dj.and his 
HI, 4). - 

The evidence of the Vedic texts and that of the 
Puranas can be reconciled if we assume that, after the 
death of Janamejaya, the Kuru kingdom was split up into 
two parts. One part, which had its capital at Hastinapura. 
was ruled by the direct descendants of Janamejaya 
himself. The other part was ruled by the descendants 
of his brother Kakshasena. The junior branch probably 
resided at Indraprastha or Indapatta which probably 
continued to be the seat of a race of kings belonging to the 
Yuddhitthila gotta (Yudhishthira gotra), long after the 
destruction of Hastinapura, and the removal of the main 
line of Kuru kings to Kausambi. 

All our authorities agree that during the rule of 
Janamejaya's successors great calamities befell the Kurus. 
Large sections of the people, including one of the reigning 
princes, were forced to leave the country, and to migrate 
to the eastern part of India. The transference of the royal 
seat of the Kuru or Bharata dynasty to Kausambi is proved 
by the evidence of Bhasa. Udayana king of Kausambi 
is described in the Svapnavasavadatta (ed. Ganapati 
$astri, p. 138) as a scion of the Bharata family : — 

Bharatanam kule jato vinito jnanavanchhuchi 
Tanniirhasi baladdhartum rajadharmasya desikah. 

Genealogy of the Parikshita Family. 


I I I*' 

Janamejaya Kakshasena I grasena orutasenii Bhtmasena 

* I ! 

Sataiitka Abhipratarin 

I I 

ABvamedhadatta \ riddhadyunina 

I I 

Adhisimakfislina Uathagritba 


Kintfd "f KiiuAlnibl Kings of Indapatta (r) 



The of the Great Janaka. 


We have seen that a series of calamities sadly crip- 
pled the Kurus ; and the king of Hastinapura had to leave 
the country. During the age which followed the Kurus 
played a minor part in politics. 

The most notable figure of the succeeding age was 
Janaka the famous king of Videha. That the great Janaka 
was later than the Parikshitas admits of no doubt. We 
shall show later that he was a contemporary probably of 
Nichakshu, and certainly of Ushasti Chakrayana during 
whose time disaster befell the Kurus. In Janaka's time 
we find the prosperity, the sin, the expiation and the fall 
of the Parikshitas apparently still fresh in the memory of 
the people and discussed as a subject of controversy in 
the royal court of Mithila. In the Brihadaranyaka 
Upanishad we find a rival of Yajiiavalkya, the ornament 
of the court of Janaka, testing him with a question, the 
solution of which the former had previously obtained from 
a Gandharva who held in his possession the daughter of 
Kapya Patafichala of the country of the Madras : — 

" Kva Parikshita bhavan " (Brihad Upanishad, III, 
3. 1) whither have the Parikshitas gone ? The solution 
of which therefore appears to have been looked upon as 
extremelv difficult. 

Yajiiavalkya answers : " Thither where all As'vamedha 
sacrificers go.'' 

Consequently the Parikshitas (sons of Parikshit) 
must at that time have been extinct. Yet their life and 
end must have been still fresh in the memory of the 
people, and a subject of general curiosity. 

It is not possible to determine with precision the 
exact chronological relation between Jananiojaya and 
Janaka. Epic and Pauranic tradition seems to regard 
them as contemporaries. Thus the Malmbharata says that 


Uddalaka (a prominent figure of kanaka's court; and his 
son &vetaketu attended the Sarpa-satra of Janamejaya : — 

Sadasya s'chabhavad Vyasah putra sishya sahayavan 
Uddiilakah Pramatakah Svetaketuscha Pingalal) 

(Mbh., Adi., 53. 7.) 

The Vishnupurfina says that Satanika, the son and 
successor of Janamejaya, learned the Vedas from Yajiia- 
valkya (Vishnu, P. IV. 21. 2). The unreliability of the 
epic and Pauranic tradition in this respect is proved by 
the evidence of the Vedic texts. "We learn from the 
Satapatha Brahmana (XIII. 5, 4, 1) that Indrota Daivapi 
or Daivapi Saunaka was a contemporary of Janamejaya. 
His pupil was Driti Aindrota or Aindroti according to the 
Jaiminiya Upanishad and Varhsa Brahmanas. Driti's 
pupil was Pulusha Prachinayogya (Vedic Index, II, p. 9). 
The latter taught Paulushi Satyayajna. We learn from 
the Chhandogya Upanishad (V. 11. 1-2) that Paulushi 
Satyayajna was a contemporary of Budila Asvatara^ i 
and of Uddalaka Aruni, two prominent figures of Janaka's 
Court (vide Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, V. 14. 8. " Janako 
Vaideho Budilam Asvatarasvim uvacha " ; and III. 7. 1). 
Satyayajna was therefore certainly a contemporary of 
Janaka of Videha. He was an elder contemporary because 
his pupil Somas'ushma Satyayajni Prachinayogya is men- 
tioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (XT. 6, 2, 1-3) as 
having met Janaka. As Satyayajni certainly flourished 
long after Indrota Daivapi Saunaka, his contemporary 
Janaka must be considerably later than Janamejaya the 
contemporary of Indrota. 

We should also note that, in the lists of teachers uiven 
at the end of the tenth book of the Satapatha Brahmana, 
and the sixth chapter of the Brihadaranyaka I'panishad, 
Turn Kavasheya, the priest of Janamejaya, appears as a 
very ancient sage who was eleventh in the ascending line 


from Saiijiviputra, whereas Yajiiavalkya, the contemporary 
of Janaka, was only fifth in the ascending line from the 
same teacher. We quote the lists below : — 
Janamejaya Tura Kavasheya 

Yajnavachas Rajastambayana 





Mahitthi Yajiiavalkya Janaka 

Kautsa Asuri 

Mandavya Asurayana 

Mandukayani Prasniputra Asurivasin 

Sanjiviputra Sanjivtputra 

It is clear from what has been stated above that 
Janaka was separated by five or six generations from Jana- 
mejaya's time. Prof. Rhys Davids in his Buddhist 
Suttas (Introduction, p. xlvii) adduces good grounds for 
assigning a period of about 150 years to the five Theras 
from Upali to Mahinda. If the five Theras are assigned a 
period of 150 years, the five or six teachers from Indrota 
to Somas'ushma, and from Tura to Vamakakshayana, 
the teacher of Mahitthi the contemporary of Yftjnavalkya 
and Janaka, must be assigned 150 or 180 years. It is 
therefore reasonable to think that Janaka flourished about 
150 or 180 years after Janamejaya, and two centuries 
after Parikshit. If, following the Puranas, we place Parik- 
shit in the fourteenth century B.C., we must place Janaka in 
the twelfth century. If, on the other hand, accepting the 
identification of Guuakhya Sankhayana with the author 
of the &ankhayana Grihya Sutra, we place Parikshit in 
the ninth century B.C., then we must place Janaka in 
the seventh century B.C. 

The kingdom of Yideha, over which Janaka ruled, cor- 
responds roughly to the modern Tirhut in Bihar. It 


was separated from Kosala by the river Sadanlra, prol)ab- 
ly the modern Gandak which, rising in Nepal, flows into 
the Ganges opposite Patna (Vedic Index, II. 299). Olden- 
berg, however, points out (Buddha, p. 398 n.) that the 
Mahiibharata distinguishes the Gandakt from the Sadanlra 
" Gandakliicha Mahasonam Sadanlraiii tathaivacha." 
Pargiter identifies the Sadanlra with the Rapti. UV 
learn from the Suruchi Jataka (489) that the measure 
of the whole kingdom of Videha was three hundred 
leagues. It consisted of 16,000 villages (J. 406). 

Mithila, the capital of Videha, is not mentioned in 
the Vedic texts, but is constantly mentioned in the Jatakas 
and the epics. It is stated in the Suruchi Jataka that the 
city covered seven leagues. We have the following 
description of Mithila in the Mahajanaka Jataka (CowelFs 
Jataka, Vol. VI, p. 30). 

By architects with rule and line laid out in order 

fair to see, 
With walls and gates and battlements, traversed by 

streets on every side, 
With horses, cows and chariots thronged with tanks 

and gardens beautified, 
Videha's far famed capital, gay with its knights and 

warrior swarms, 
Clad in their robes of tiger-skins, with banners 

spread and flashing arms, 
Its Brahmins dressed in Kaci cloth, perfumed with 

sandal, decked with gems, 
Its palaces and all their queens with robes of state 

and diadems. 

According to the Bamayana (1.71.3) the royal family 

of Mithila was founded by a king named Nimi. His son 

was Mithi, and Mithi's son was Janaka I. The epic then 

continues the genealogy to Janaka TI (father of Stta) and 



his brother Kusadhvaja, King of Sankasya. The Vayu 
(88, 7-8 ; 89, 3-4) and the Vishnu (IV.5.1) Puranas re- 
present Nimi or Nemi as a son of Ikshvaku, and give 
him the epithet Videha (Sasapena Vasishthasya Videhah 
samapadyata — Vayu P.) His son was Mithi whom both 
the Puranas identify with . Janaka I. The genealogy is 
then continued to Stradhvaja who is called the father of 
Sita, and is therefore identical with Janaka II of the 
Ramayana. Then starting from Siradhvaja the Puranas 
carry on the dynasty to its close. The last king is named 
Kriti, and the family is called Janakavamsa. 

Dhritestu Vahulasvo bhud Vahulasva sutah Kritifr 
Tasmin santishthate vamso Janakanam mahatmanam 

Vayu Purana (89, 23). 

The Vedic texts know a king of Videha named Nam! 
Sapya (Vedic Index, 1.436). But he is nowhere repre- 
sented as the founder of the dynasty of Mithila. On the 
contrary, a story of the ^atapatha Brahmana seems to 
indicate that the Videha kingdom was founded by Videgha 
Mathava (Ved. Ind., II. 298 ; gat. Br. 1. 4. 1, etc ; Olden- 
berg's Buddha, pp. 398-399. Pargiter, J.A.S.B. 1897, 
p. 87. et seq.), Videgha Mathava, whose family priest 
was Gotama Rahiigana, w T as at one time on the Sarasvati. 
Agni Vaisvanara thence went burning along this earth 
towards the east, followed by Mathava and his priest, 
till he came to the river Sadanira which flows from 
the northern mountain, and which he did not burn over. 
This river Brahmanas did not cross in former times, 
thinking " it has not been burnt over by Agni Vais'vanara. " 
At that time the land to the westward was very uncul- 
tivated, and marshy, but at the time of Mathava's arrival 
many Brahmanas were there, and it was highly cultivated, 
for the Brahmanas had caused Agni to taste it through 
sacrifices. Mathava the Videgha then said to Agni, " where 


am I to abide ? " " To the east of this river be thy 
abode," he replied. Even now, the writer of the 
Satapatha Brahmana adds, this forms the boundary 
between the Kosalas and the Videhas. The name of the 
second king in the epic and the Pauranic lists, Mithi 
Vaideha, is reminiscent of Mathava Videgha. 

If Mathava Videgha was the founder of the royal 
line of Mithila, Nimi, Nemi or Nami must be a later king 
of Videha. In the Nimi Jataka, Nimi is said to have 
been born to "round off" the royal house of Mithila, 
"the family of hermits." The combined evidence of 
Vedic and Buddhist texts thus shows that Nimi was not 
the first, but probably one of the later kings. The 
Majjhima Nikaya (11.74-83) and the Nimi Jataka men- 
tion Makhadeva as the progenitor of the kings of 

As the entire dynasty of Maithila kings was called 
Janaka vamsa (Vamso Janakanam mahatmanam), and 
there were several kings bearing the name of Janaka, it 
is very difficult to identify any of these with the great 
Janaka of the Vedic texts. But there is one fact which 
favours his identification with Siradhvaja of the Pauranic 
list, i.e., the father of Sita. The father of Sita is, in 
the Bamayana, a younger contemporary of Asvapati 
king of the Kekayas (maternal grand-father of Bharata, 
Bamayana, II. 9. 22). Janaka of the Vedic texts is also 
a contemporary of Asvapati, prince of the Kekayas, 
as Uddalaka Aruni and Bndila Asvatarasvi frequented 
the courts of both these princes (Ved. Ind., II. 69 ; Chh. 
Up., V. 11. 1-4; Brih. Up.. III. 7). 

It is more difficult to identify our Janaka with any of 
the kings of that name mentioned in the Buddhist 
Jatakas. Prof. Rhys Davids (Bud. Ind., p. 26) seems to 
identify him with Maha-Janaka of the Jataka No. 559. 
The utterance of Maha-Janaka TI of that Jataka : 


1 Mithila's palaces may burn 
But naught of mine is burned thereby ' 

indeed reminds us of the great philosopher-king. 

In the Mahabharata (xii. 219.50) we find the same 
saying attributed to a king of Mithila. 

A pi cha bhavati Maithilena gitam 
Nagaramupahitam agninabhivlkshya 
Na khalu mamahidahyate'tra kinchit 
Svayam idamaha kila sma bhumipalah. 

The name of the king is given as Janaka(xii. 17. 18-19). 
In the Jaina Uttaradhyayana the saying is attributed to 
Nami (8. B. E., XLV. 37). This fact coupled with the 
mention of Nemi in juxtaposition with Arish^a in the 
Vishnu Purana (IV. 5. 13) probably points to the identi- 
fication of Nam! or Nemi with Maha-Janaka II who is 
represented in the Jataka as the son of Arittha. If Maha- 
Janaka II was identical with Nami, he cannot be identified 
with Janaka who is clearly distinguished from Nami in the 
Vedic texts. It is tempting to identify the Vedic Janaka 
with Maha-Janaka I of the Jataka. 

In the Satapatha Brahmanaand in the Bjihadaranyaka 
Upanishad Janaka is called " Samraf This shows that 
he was a greater personage than a " Rajan." Although 
there is no trace in the Vedic literature of the use of the 
word " Samraj " as Emperor in the sense of an overlord 
of kings, still the Satapatha Brahmana distinctly says that 
the Samraj was a higher authority than a " Rajan " ; " by 
offering the Rajasuya he becomes king, and by the 
Vajapeya he becomes Samraj ; and the ofncr of king is 
the lower, and that of Samraj the higher" (Sat. Br.. \ 
1.1.13; XII. 8. 3. 4; XIV. 1.3.8). In 
&rauta-Sutra X. 3. 14 Janaka is mentioned as a great 


The court of Janaka was thronged with Brahmmias 
from Kosala and the Kuril- Paiichala countries (e.g., 
Asvala, Jaratkjirava Artabhaga, Bhujyu Lahyayani, 
Ushasta Chakrayana, Kahoda Kaushltakeya, Gargt 
Vachaknavi, Uddalaka Aruni, Vidagdha Sakalya). The 
tournaments of argument which were here held form a 
prominent feature in the third book of the Brihadaranyaka 
Upanishad. The hero of these was Yajnavalkya Vaja- 
saneya, who was a pupil of Uddalaka Aruni. Referring 
to Janaka's relations with the Kuru-Panchala Brahmanas 
Oldenberg says (Buddha, p. 398) " The king of the east, 
who has a leaning to the culture of the west, collects the 
celebrities of the west at his court — much as the intellects 
of Athens gathered at the court of Macedonian princes." 

The Brahmanas and the Upanishads throw some light 

on the political condition of northern Tndia during the 

age of Janaka. From those works we learn that, besides 

Videha, there were nine states of considerable importance, 
viz : 

1. Gandhara 

2. Kekaya 

3. Madra 

4. Usinara 

5. Matsya 

6. Kuru 

7. Paiichala 

8. Kasi 

9. Kosala 

Gandhara included the north-western part of the 
Panjab and the adjoining portions of the N. W. Frontier 
Province (Ramayana vii. 113. 11 ; 114. 11 ; Sindhorubha- 
yatah Parsve). We learn from the Mahabharata (XII. 
207.43) that it formed a part of Uttarapatha : — 
Uttarapathajanmanah kirtayishyami tfin api 
Yauna Kamboja Gandharali Kirata Barbarai^ saha. 


We learn from the epic and Pauranic literature that 
Gandhara contained two great cities, viz., Takshasila and 

Gandhara vishaye siddhe, tayoh pur van mahatmanoh 
Takshasya dikshu vikhyata ramya Takshasila purl 
Pushkarasyapi virasya vikhyata Pushkaravati. 
(Vayu Purana 88. 189-190. Cf. Ramayana vii. 114. 11). 

The remains of Takshasila or Taxila are situated imme- 
diately to the east and north-east of Saraikala, a junction 
on the railway, twenty miles north-west of Rawalpindi. 
The valley in which they lie is watered by the Haro 
river. Within this valley and. within three and a half 
miles of each other are the remains of three distinct cities. 
The southernmost and oldest of these occupies an elevated 
plateau, known locally as Bhirmound (Marshall, A 
Guide to Taxila, pp. 1-4). 

Pushkaravati or Pushkalavati (Prakrit Pukkalaoti, 
whence the Peucelaotis of Arrian) is represented by the 
modern Prang and Charsadda, 17 miles N. E. of Peshawar, 
on the Suwat river (Schoff, The Periplus of the 
Erythraean Sea, pp. 183-184 ; Foucher, Gandhara, p. 11). 

Gandhara is a later form of the name of the people 
called Gandhari in the Rig Veda and the Atharva Veda. 
In the Kig Veda (i. 126.7) the good wool of the sheep of 
the Gandharis is referred to. In the Atharva Veda 
(v. 22.14) the Gandharis are mentioned with the Muja- 
vants, apparently as a despised people. In later times 
the ' angle of vision ' of the men of the Madhyadesa 
changed, and Gandhara became the resort of scholars of 
all classes who nocked to its capital for instructions in 
the three Vedas and the eighteen branches of knowledge. 

In a significant passage of the Chhandogya Upanishad 
(VI. 14) Uddalaka Aruni mentions Gandhara to illustrate 


the desirability of having a duly qualified teacher 
from whom a pupil " learns (his way) and thus remains 
liberated (from all world ties) till he attains (the Truth, 
Moksha)." A man who attains Moksha is compared to 
a blind-folded person who reaches at last the country of 
Gandhara. We quote the entire passage below : 

" Yatha somya purusham Gandharebhyo' bhinaddha- 
ksham aniya tarn tato'tijane visrijet, sa yatha tatra pran 
va udan vadharan va pratyan va pradhmayita — abhinad- 
dhaksha anito' bhinaddhaksho visrishtalj. Tasya yatha- 
bhinahanam pramuchya prabruyadetam disam Gandhara 
etam dis'am vrajeti. Sa gramad gramam prichchhan 
pandito medhavi Gandharanevopasampadyeta, evameve- 
hacharyavan purusho veda." 

" O my child, in the world when a man with blind- 
folded eyes is carried away from Gandhara and left in a 
lonely-place, he makes the east and the north and the 
west resound by crying ' I have been brought here blind- 
folded, I am here left blind-folded. ' Thereupon (some 
kind-hearted man) unties the fold on his eyes and says 
1 This is the way to Gandhara ; proceed thou by this way.' 
The sensible man proceeds from village to village, en- 
quiring the way and reaches at last the (province) of 
Gandhara. Even thus a man who has a duly qualified 
teacher learns (his way)." 1 

The full import of the illustration becomes apparent 
when we remember that the Uddalaka Jataka (No. 487) 
represents Uddalaka as having journeyed to Takshas'ila 
(Takkasila) and learnt there of a world-renowned teacher. 
The Setaketu Jataka (No. 377) says that Setaketu, son of 
Uddalaka, went to Takshasila and learned all the arts. 
The Satapatha Brahmana mentions the fact that Uddalaka 
Aruni used to drive about (dhavayam chakara) amongst 

1 Dr. U. L. Mitra's translation of the ChbSudogya Upanishad, p. 114. 


the people of the northern country (Sat. Br. xi. 4. 1. 1, et 
seq.). It is stated in the Kaushltaki Brahmana (vii. 6) 
that Brahmanas used to go to the north for purposes of 
study. The Jataka stories are full of references to the 
fame of Takshasila as a university town. Panini, himself 
a native of Gandhara, refers to the city in sutra iv. 3. 93. 
The Kekay<t8 were settled in the Pan jab between 
Gandhara and the Beas. Prom the Ramayana (II. 68. 
19-22; VII. 113-114) we learn that the Kekaya territory 
lay beyond the Vipas'a and abutted on the Gandharva 
or Gandhara Vishaya. The Vedic texts do not mention 
the name of their capital city, but w r e learn from the 
Ramayana that the metropolis was Rajagriha or Girivraja 
(identified by Cunningham with Girjak or Jalalpur on the 

41 Ubhau Bharata Satrughnau Kekayeshu parantapau 
Pure Rajagrihe ramye matamaha nivesane " 

(Ram., II. 67. 7). 
" Girivrajam puravaram slghramaseduranjasa " 

(Ram., II. 68. 2Z). 

There was another Rajagriha-Girivraja in Magadha, 
while Hiuen Tsang mentions a third Rajagriha in Po-ho 
or Balkh (Beal — Si-yu-ki, Vol. I, p. 44). In order to dis- 
tinguish between the Kekaya city and the Magadha 
capital, the latter city was called " Girivraja of the 
Magadhas " (S. B. E., XIII, p. 150). 

We learn from the Puranas (Matsya, 48. 10-20, Vayu 
99. 12-23) that the Usinaras, Kekayas and the Madrakas 
were septs of the family of Anu, son of Yayati. The 
Anu tribe is frequently mentioned in the Rig Veda 
(i. 108. 8; vii. 18. 14 ; viii. 10, 5). 

The king of Kekaya in the time of Janaka was 
As'vapati who is probably identical with the king of the 
same name mentioned in the Ramayanajfas the father of 


Yudhajit and Kaikeyi, and the grandfather of Bharata. 
The Satapatha Brahmana (X. 6. 1. 2) and the Chhan- 
dogya Upanishad (V. 11.4 el seq.) say that king Asvapati 
instructed a number of Brahmanas, e.g., Aruna Aupa- 
vesi Gautama, Satyayajfia Paulushi, Mahasala Jabala. 
Budila Asvatarasvi, Indra-dyumna Bhaliaveya, Jana 
Sarkarakshya, Prachinasala Aupamanyava, and Udda- 
laka Aruni. 

The Jaina writers tell us that one-half of the kingdom 
of Kekaya was Aryan, and refer to the Kekaya city called 
"fceyaviya." (Ind. Ant,, 1891, p. 375.) 

Madra roughly corresponds to Sialkot and its adja- 
cent districts in the central Panjab. Its capital was 
Sakala or Sagalanagara (modern Sialkot). This city is 
mentioned in the Mahabharata (II. 32.14) and several 
Jatakas (e. g., Kalingabodhi Jataka, No. 479, Kusa 
Jataka No. 531). The name of the ruler of Madra 
in the time of Janaka is not known. The Brihada- 
ranyaka Upanishad says that Madra was the native 
land of Kapya Patafichala (see p. 16, ante ; Weber, Ind. 
Lit., p. 126), one of the teachers of the celebrated 
Uddalaka Aruni (Brihad. Up. III. 7.1). The Madra 
people were divided into two sections. The southern 
Madras lived in the Panjab. But the northern Madras, 
known as Uttara-Madras, are referred to in the Aitareya 
Brahmana as living beyond the Himalayas in the 
neighbourhood of the Uttara-Kurus, probably, as 
Zimmer conjectures, in the land of Kasmtr. The Madras 
are represented in the Mahabharata and the Jatakas as 
living under a monarchical constitution. 

The country of the Usinaras was situated in the 
Madhyadesa. The Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 14) says 
" asyam dhruvayam madhyamayam pratishthayam dis'i " 
lie the realms of the Kuru Pafldhftlas together with 
Vasas and Uslnaras. In the KausMtaki Upanishad 


also the Us'Inaras are associated with the Matsyas, 
the Kuru Panchalas and the Vasas. They probably 
lived in the northernmost part of the Madhyadesa 
for in the Gopatha Brahmana the Uslnaras and Vasas 
are mentioned just before the Udlchyas or northern- 
ers (Gop. Br., II. 9): Kuru Pafichaleshu Anga Maga- 
dheshu Kasi Kausalyeshu Salva Matsyeshu sa Vasa 

In the Kathasaritsagara (edited by Pandit Durga- 
prasad and Kasinath Pandurang Parab, third edition, p. 5) 
U8'lnaragiri is placed near Kanakhala the "sanctifying 
place of pilgrimage, at the point where the Ganges 
issues from the hills." Uslnaragiri is, doubtless, identical 
with Usiragiri of the Divyavadana (p. 22) and Usiradhva ja 
of the Vinaya Texts (Part II, p. 39). Panini refers to the 
Uslnara country in the sutras II. 4. 20 and IV. 2. 118. 
In sutra II. 4. 20 Uslnara is mentioned in juxtaposition 
with Kantha (Kathaioi ?). Its capital was Bhoganagara 
or Bhojanagara (Mbh. V. 118.2). 

The Rig Veda (X. 59. 10) mentions a queen named 
Us'lnaranl. The Mahabharata, the Anukramani and 
several Jatakas mention a king named Uslnara and 
his son Sibi (Mbh., XII. 29. 39; Vedic Index, 
Vol. I, p. 103, Maha-Kanha Jataka, No. 469 ; Nirai 
Jataka, No. 541 ; Maha Naracla Kassapa Jataka, No. 544, 
etc.). We do not know the name of Janaka's Us'lnara 
contemporary. We learn from the Kaushitaki Upanishad 
that Gargya Balaki, a contemporary of Ajatasatru of 
Kasi, and of Janaka, lived for some time in the Us'lnara 

Matsya, says Prof. Bhandarkar (Carmichael Lectures, 
1918, p. 53), originally included parts of Alwar, Jaipur 
and Bharatpur, and was the kingdom of the king Virata 
of the Mahabharata, in whose court the five Pan^ava 
brothers resided incognito during the last year of their 


banishment. His capital has been identified with Bairat 
in the Jaipur State. Pargiter thinks that the Matsya 
capital was Upaplavya. But according to Nllkantha 
Upaplavya (Mbh. IV. 72.14) was " Viratanagara saml- 
pastha nagarantaram. ,, 

The Matsyas appear in a passage of the Rig Veda 
(VII. 18. 6), where they are ranged with the other 
enemies of the great Rig Vedic conqueror Sudas. In the 
Gopatha Brahmana (I. 2. 9) they appear in connexion 
with the $alvas, in the Kaushltaki Upanishad (IV.l) 
in connexion with the Us'lnaras and the Kuru Panchalas, 
and in the Mahabharata in connexion with the Chedis 
(V. 74.16). In the Manu-Samhita the Matsyas together 
with the Kurukshetra, the Panchalas, and the Surasena- 
kas comprise the land of the Brahmana Rishis (Brah- 

The Satapatha Brahmana (XIII. 5. 4. 9) mentions a 
Matsya king named Dhvasan Dvaitavana who celebrated 
the horse sacrifice near the Sarasvati. The Brahmana 
quotes the following gatha : — 

" Fourteen steeds did king Dvaitavana, victorious in 
battle, bind for Indra Vritrahan, whence the lake 
Dvaitavana (took its name)." 

The Mahabharata mentions the lake Dvaitavana as 
well as a forest called Dvaitavana which spread over the 
banks of the river Sarasvati 'Mbh. III. 24-25). 

The name of Janaka's contemporary ruler is not 
known. That the country of the Matsyas was an im- 
portant place in the time of Ajatas'atru of Kasi, and of 
Janaka, is known from the Kaushltaki Upanishad. 

The Kuru country fully maintained its reputation as 
the centre of Brahmanical culture in the age of Janaka. 
Kuru Brahmanas {e.g., Ushasti Chakrayana) played a 
prominent part in the philosophical discussions of 


Janaka's court. But it was precisely at this time that a 
great calamity befell the Kurus, and led to an exodus 
of large sections of the Kuru people including Ushasti 
himself. The Chhandogya-Upanishad (1. 10. 1) says 
" Matachl-hateshu Kurushu atikya saha jayaya Ushastir 
ha Chakrayana ibhya-grame pradranaka uvasa." One 
commentator took Matachi to mean rakta-varnalj 
kshudra-pakshi viseshah. Professor Bhandarkar says 
that the explanation of this commentator is confirm- 
ed by the fact that Matachi is a Sanskritised form 
of the well-known Canarese word " midiche " which 
is explained by Kittel's Dictionary as "a grasshopper, 
a locust." 

If the Puranic list of Janamejaya's successors be 
accepted as historical then it would appear that 
Nichakshu was probably the Kuru king in the time 
of Janaka. 

1. Janamejaya ... 1. Indrota Daivapa 


2. Satanika ... 2. Driti Aindrota (son- 

and pupil) 

3. Asvamedhadatta ... 3. Pulusha Prachinayo- 

gya (pupil) 

4. Adhisimakrishua ... 4. Paulushi Satyayajna 


5. Nichakshu ... 5. Somasushma Satya- 

yajni (pupil) ; Jana- 
ka's contemporary 

Curiously enough it is Nichakshu who is represented 
in the Puranas as the remover of the seat of government 
from Hastinapura to Knusamb!. We have some indica- 
tion that the city of Kausambi really existed about 
this time (cf. Weber, Ind. Lit., p. 123). The Satapatha 


Brahmana makes Proti Kausambeya a contemporary of 
Uddalaka Aruni who figured in the court of Janaka. ft 
is thus clear that Kausambeya was a contemporary of 
Janaka. Now, Harisvamin in his commentary on the 
^atapatha Brahmana understood Kausambeya to mean 
a 'native of the town of Kausambi.' It is therefore 
permissible to think that Kausambi existed in the time 
of Janaka, and hence of Nichakshu. There is thus no 
difficulty in the way of accepting the Paurfmic statement. 
According to the Puranas the change of capital was due 
to the inroad of the river Ganges. Another, and a more 
potent, cause was perhaps the devastation of the Kuru 
country by Matachi. From this time the Kurus appear 
to have lost their political importance. They sank to the 
level of a second-rate posver. 

But the Bharata dynasty, as distinguished from the 
Kuru people, exercised wide sway down to the time of the 
&atapatha Brahmana (XI [I. 5.4.11). 

Pafichala roughly corresponds to the Budaon, Fur- 
rukhabad and the adjoining districts of the United 
Provinces. There is no trace in the Vedic literature of 
the epic and Jataka division of the Panchalas into nor- 
thern (Uttara) and southern (Dakshina). But the 
Vedic texts knew a division into eastern and western, 
because the Samhitopanishad Brahmana makes mention 
of the Prachya Panchalas (Ved. Ind., I. 469). The most 
ancient capital of Pafichala was Kampilya which has 
been identified with Kampil on the old Ganges between 
Budaon and Farrukhabad. The iSatapatha Brahmana 
(XIII. 5. 4. 7) mentions another Pafichala town Parivakra 
or Parichakra identified by Weber with Ekachakrii of the 
Mahabharata (Ved. Ind., I. 491). 

The Panchalas were also called Krivi in the datapath! 
Brahmana. The Krivis appear in the Rig Veda as settled 
on the Sindhu (Indus) and Asiknl (Chenab). Oldenberg 


observes (Buddha, p. 404) " We are to look to find 
in the people of the Panchalas, of the stock of the 
Rik Samhita, the Turvacas also as well as the Krivis." 
He supports the conjecture by quoting" a passage of 
the Satapatha Brahmana (XIII. 5. 4. 16) which says 
" when Satrasaha (king of the Panchalas) makes the 
As'vamedha offering the Taurvacas arise, six thousand 
and six and thirty clad in mail." 

The Panchalas also included the Kesins (Ved. Ind., I. 
187) and probably the Srinjayas (Pargiter, Markandeya 
Purana, p. 353 ; Mbh. 1.138.37; V. 48.41). In Mbh., 
VIII. 11. 31 Uttamaujas is called a Paiichalya, while in 
VIII. 75. 9 he is called a Srifijaya. 

In the Mahabharata the royal family of the Pan- 
chalas is represented as an offshoot of the Bharata 
dynasty (Adi. 94. 33). The Puranas say the same 
thing. (Matsya 50. 1-16 ; Vayu, 99, 194-210) and name 
Divodasa, Sudasa and Drupada among the kings of 
the Panchala branch. Divodasa and Sudasa are famous 
kings in the Rig Veda -where they are closely connected 
with the Bharatas (Ved. Ind. I, p. 363 ; II., pp. 95, 454). 
But they are not mentioned as Panchala kings. In the 
Mahabharata Drupada is also called Yajfiasena and one of 
his sons was named Sikhandin (Mbh. Adi. 166. 24 ; 
Bhisma, 190, etseq.). A Sikhandin Yajfiasena is mention- 
ed in the Kaushitaki Brahmana (VII. 4) but he is describ- 
ed not as a prince, but as a priest of K6sin D&lbhya, 
king of the Panchalas. 

The external history of the Panchalas is mainly that 
of wars and alliances with the Kurus. The Mahabh rata 
preserves traditions of conflict between the Kurus and the 
Panchalas. We learn from chapter 166 of the Adiparva 
that Uttara Panchala was wrested from the Panchalas by 
the Kurus and i^iven away to their preceptor. Curiously 


enough the Somanassa Jataka (No. 505) places Uttara 
Panchalanagara in Kururattha. 

The relations between the two peoples (Kurus and Pan- 
chaias) were sometimes friendly and they were connected 
by matrimonial alliances. Kes'in Dalbhya or Darbhya, a 
king of the Pailchalas, was sister's son to Uchchaihs'ravas, 
king of the Kurus (Ved. Tnd. I. 84. 187. 468). 
Uchchaihsravas occurs as the name of a Kuru prince in 
the dynastic list of the Mahabharata (I. 94. 53). In the 
epic a Pafichala princess is married to the Pandavas 
who are represented as scions of the Kuru royal 

Among the most famous kings of the Pafichalas men- 
tioned in the Vedic literature are Kraivya, Kes'in Dalbhya, 
$ona Satrasaha, Pravahana Jaivali and Durmukha. Dur- 
mukha is also mentioned in the Kumbhakara Jataka (No. 
408). His kingdom is called Uttara Panchalarattha and 
his capital Kampillanagara. He is represented as a con- 
temporary of Nimi, king of Videha. If Nimi be the penul- 
timate king of Janaka's family as the Nimi Jataka 
(No. 541) suggests, Durmukha must be later than 

Pravahana Jaivali, on the other hand, was Janaka's 
contemporary. This prince appears in the Upanishads as 
engaged in philosophical discussions with Aruni, Svetaketu, 
Silaka Salavatya, and Chaikitayana Dalbhya (Brihad. Up., 
VI. 2 ; Chh. Up., 1.8. 1 ; V. 3. 1). The first two teachers 
are known to have been contemporaries of Janaka. 

The kingdom of Kaki was 300 leagues in extent 
(Jataka No. 391). It had its capital at Baranasi also 
called Surundhana, Sudassana, Brahmavaddhana, Pup- 
phhavati, Ramma city, and Molini (Cannichael Lectures, 
1918, pp. 50-51). The walls of B&r&Q&s) were twelve 
leagues round by themselves (Tandulanali Jatak 


The Kasis, i. e., the people of Kasi, first appear in the 
Paippalada recension of the Atharva Veda (Ved. Ind., II. 
116 n.). They were closely connected with the people 
of Kosala and of Videha. Jala Jfitukarnya is mentioned 
in the Sank hay ana Srauta Sutra (XVI. 29. 5) as having 
obtained the position of Purohita of the three peoples of 
Kas'i, Videha and Kosala in the life-time of Svetaketu, a 
contemporary of Janaka. Curiously enough a kins? named 
Janaka is mentioned in the Sattubhasta Jataka (No. 402) 
as reigning in Benares. This Janaka cannot be the 
Janaka of the Upanishads, for we learn from those works 
that, in the time of the famous Janaka, Ajatasatru was on 
the throne of Kasi. 

Very little is known regarding the ancestors of 
Ajatas'atru. His name does not occur in the Pauranic 
lists of Kasi sovereigns (Vayu 92. 21-74 ; Vishnu IV. 
8. 2-9), nor does the name of Dhritarashtra, king of Kasi, 
who was defeated by Satanika Satrajita with the result 
that the Kas'is down to the time of the Satapatha Brah- 
mana gave up the kindling of the sacred fire. The 
Puranas represent the Kasi family as branch of the house 
of Pururavas the great ancestor of the Bharatas. Of the 
kings mentioned in the Puranas the names of two only 
(Divodasa and Pratardana) can be traced in the Vedic 
literature. But the Vedic texts do not connect them with 

In the Mahagovinda Suttanta Dhatarattha, king of 
Kasi, who must be identified with Dhritarashtra, king of 
Kasi mentioned in the datapatha Brahmana, is represent- 
ed as a Bharata prince (Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the 
Buddha, Part II, p. 270). 

The Bharata dynasty of Kasi seems to have been 
supplanted by a new line of kings who had the family 
name Brahmadatta. and were probably of Videhail origin. 
That Brahmadatta was the name of a family, and not of 


any particular king, has been proved by Prof. Bhandarkar 
and Mr. Haritkrishna Dev (Carmichael Lectures, 1918, 
p. 56). The Matsya Purana refers to a dynasty consisting 
of one hundred Brahmadattas : 

$atam vai Brahmadattanam 
Viranam Kuravah satam 

(Matsya p. 273. 71.) 

The u hundred Brahmadattas " are also mentioned 
in the Mahabharata, II. 8. 23. 

In the Dummedha Jataka the name Brahmadatta is 
applied both to the reigning king and to his son. (Cf. the 
Susima Jataka, the £umma Sapinda Jataka, the Atthana 
Jataka, Lomasa Kassapa Jataka, etc.). 

That the Brahmadattas were of Videhan origin appears 
from several Jatakas. Eor instance, the Matiposaka 
Jataka (No. 455), which refers to king Brahmadatta of 
Kas'i, has the following line : 

mutto' mhi Kasirajena Vedehena yasassina ti. 

In the Sambula Jataka (No. 519) prince Sotthisena 
son of Brahmadatta, king of Kas'i is called Vedehaputta : 

Yo putto Kasirajassa Sotthiseno ti tam vidu 
tassaham Sambula bhariya, evarh janahi danava, 
Vedehaputto bhaddan te vane basati aturo. 

Ajatasatru, the Kas'ya cod temporary of Janaka, seems 
to have belonged to the Brahmadatta family. The Upa- 
nishadic evidence shows that he was a contemporary of 
Uddalaka. The Uddalaka Jataka tells us that the reign- 
ing king of Benares in the time of Uddalaka was Brahma- 



Ajatas'atru appears in the Upanishads as engaged in 
philosophical discussions with Gargya Balaki. In the 
Kaushitaki Upanishad he is represented as being jealous 
if Janaka's fame as a patron of learning. 

The Satapatha Brahmana (V. 5. 5. 14) mentions a 
person named Bhadrasena Ajatas'atrava who is said to 
have been bewitched by Uddalaka Aruni. Macdonell and 
Keith call him a king of Kas'i. He was apparently the 
son and successor of Ajatas'atru (S.B.E, XLI, p. 141). 

The kingdom of Kosala corresponds roughly to the 
modern Oudh. It was separated from Videha by the 
river Sadantra. 

The Vedic texts do • not mention any city in Kosala. 
But if the Ramayana is to be believed the capital of 
Kosala in the time of Janaka was Ayodhya which stood 
on the banks of the Sarayu and covered twelve yojanas 
(Ram. I. 55-7). The Vedic works do not refer to the Iksh- 
vaku king Dasaratha who is represented in the Ramayana 
as the Kosalan contemporary of Janaka. Dasaratha's son 
according to the Ramayana was Rama. The Rig Veda 
(X. 93. 14) mentions a powerful person named Rama 
but does not connect him with Kosala. The Das'aratha 
Jataka makes Dasaratha and Rama kings of Baranas'i, 
and disavows Slta's connection with Janaka. 

Kosala was probably the fatherland of Janaka's 
Hotri priest Asvala who was very probably an ancestor 
of As'valayana Kausalya mentioned in the Pras'na Upa- 
nishad as a disciple of Pippalada and a contemporary of 
Sukesa Bharadvaja and of Hiranyanabha, a Kosalan 

The details of Kosalan history will be discussed in a 
subsequent chapter. 



The later Vaidehas op Mithila. 

The Puranas give the following lists of Janaka's 
successors : — 

Vayu (89. 18-23) 

Slradhvajattu jatastu 
Bhanumannama Maithilah 
Tasya Bhanumatah putrah 
Pradyumnascha pratapavan 
Munistasya suta schapi 
Tasmad Urjavahah smritah 
Urjavahat sutadvajah 
$akuni stasya chatmajah 

Vishnu (IV. 5. 12-13) 
Slradhvajasya patyam Bha- 
nuraan Bhanumatah Sata- 
dyumnah, tasya SuchUi tas- 
mad Urjavahonama putro 
jajne — tasyapi Satvara- 

dhvajah, tatah Kuntti, Ku- 

tatputrah Ritujit, tato' rish- 
ta-Nemih, tasmat Srutayulj, 
tatah Suryas'vah, tasmad 
Sanjayalj, tatah Kshemarih, 
tasmad Anena& tasman 
Minarathah, tasya Satya- 
rathah, tasya Satyara- 
thih, Satyaratherupaguh, 
tasmat Upaguptah, tasmat 
Svagatah ^akunenputrali &asvatah, tasmat Sudhanva 
Suvarcha stat sutah smritah (Suvarchah) tasyapi Subha- 

Srutoyastasya dayadah 
&usruta stasya chatmajah 
Susrutasya Jayah putro 
Jayasya Vijayalji sutah 
Vijayasya Ritah putra 
Ritasya Sunayah smritah 
Sunayad Vitahavyastu 
Vitahavyatmajo Dhritih 
Dhritestu Vahulas'vo'bhud 
Vahulasva sutah Kritifr 
Tasmin santishthate vamso 
Janakanam mahatmanam 

sah, tatah Susrutah tasmaj- 
Jayah, Jayaputro Vijayah, 
tasya Ritah, Ritat Sunayah 
tato Vitahavyak. Tasmad 
San jayah 

tasmad Kshemasvak tasmat 
Dhritih, Dhriter Vahulas- 
vah, tasya putrah, Krittti, 
Kritau santishthate, yam 

Janakr. vaihsa^. 


It will be seen that the two Pauranic lists do not 
wholly agree with each other. The Vayu Purana omits 
many names including those of Arishta and Nemi. The 
Vishnu Purana, or the scribe who wrote the dynastic list 
contained in it, probably confounded the names Arishta 
and Nemi and made one out of two kings. Arishta is 
very probably identical with Arittha Janaka of the Maha- 
Janaka Jataka. Nemi is very probably the same as Nami 
of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra to whom is ascribed the 
same saying (" when Mithila is on fire, nothing is burned 
that belongs to me ") which is attributed to Maha-Janaka 
II, son of Arittha, in the Maha-Janaka Jataka. 

With the exception of Arishta and Nemi or Nami 
none of the kings in the Pauranic lists can be satisfactorily 
identified with the Videhan monarchs mentioned in the 
Vedic, Buddhist and Jaina literature. It is therefore 
difficult to say how far the Puranic lists are historical. 

The Vedic texts mention besides Mathava and Janaka 
two other Vaideha kings, namely, Para Alhara and Nami 
Sapya. Macdonell and Keith identify Para Ahlara with 
Para Atnara, king of Kosala, about whom we shall speak 
in a subsequent chapter. Nami Sapya was probably 
identical with king Nami of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 
Nemi of the Vishnu Purana, and Nimi of the Makhadeva 
Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya, the Kumbhak ( ara Jataka 
and the Nimi Jataka. In the last mentioned work it 
is stated that Nimi was the penultimate sovereign of the 
Maithila family. According to the Kumbhakara Jataka 
and the Uttaradhyayana Suira (S. B. E., XLV. 87) he 
was a contemporary of Dummukha (Dvimukha) king of 
Panchala, Naggaji (Naggati) of Gandhara, and of Karandu 
(Karakandu) of Kalinga. This synchronism accords with 
Vedic evidence. Durmukha the Panchala king had a 
priest named Brihaduktha (Vedic Index, I. 370) who WM 
the son of Vamadeva {Ibid, II. 71). Vamadeva was a 


contemporary of Somaka the son of Sahadeva (Rig Veda 
IV. 15. 7. 10). Somaka was a contemporary of Bhima 
king of Vidarbha and Nagnajit king of Gandhara 
(Aitareya Brahmana VII. 34). From this it is clear that 
Durmukha" was a contemporary of Nagnajit. This is 
exactly what we find in the Kumbhakara Jataka and the 
Uttaradhyayana Sutra. 

In the Panchavirhs'a or Tandya Brahmana (XXV. 10. 
17-18) Nam! is mentioned as a famous sacrifices The 
Nimi Jataka says that Nimi was " born to round off" the 
royal family " like the hoop of a chariot wheel." Address- 
ing his predecessor the sooth-sayere said " great king, 
this prince is born to round off your family. This your 
family of hermits will go no further." 

Nimi's son Kalara Janaka (Makhadeva Sutta of 
the Majjhimanikaya II. 82 ; Nimi Jataka) is said to 
have actually brought his line to an end. This king 
is apparently identical with Karala Janaka of the 
Mahabharata (XII. 302. 7). In his Arthasastra Kautilya 
says " Bhoja, known also by the name Dandakya, 
making a lascivious attempt on a Brahmana maiden, 
perished along with his kingdom and relations ; so also 
Karala, the Vaideha." Karala, the Vaideha, who perished 
along with his kingdom and relations, must be identified 
with Kalara (Karala) who according to the Nimi Jataka 
brought the line of Vaideha kings to an end. The down- 
fall of the Vaidehas reminds us of the fate of the Tarquins 
who were expelled from Rome for a similar crime. As in 
Rome, so in Videha, the overthrow of the monarchy was 
followed by the rise of a republic — the Vajjian Con- 

There is reason to believe that the Kasi people had 
a share in the overthrow of the Vaideha monarchy. 
Already in the time of the great Janaka, Ajatasatru king 
of Kas'i could hardly conceal his jealousy of the Videhan 


king's fame. The passage "Yatha Kasyo va Vaideho 
vograputra ujjyam dhanu radhijyam kritva dvau vana 
vantau sapatnativyadhinau haste kritvopotishthed " 
(Brihad Upanishad III. 8. 2.) probably refers to frequent 
struggles between the kings of Kasi and Videha. 
The Mahabhiirata (XII. 99. 1,2) refers to the old story 
(itihasarh puratanam) of a great battle between Pratar- 
dana (king of Kasi according to the Ramayana VII. 48. 
15) and Janaka king of Mithila. It is stated in the 
Pali commentary Paramatthajotika (Vol. I, pp. 158- 
165) that the Lichchhavis, who succeeded Janaka's 
dynasty as the strongest political power in Videha, and 
formed the most important element of the Vajjian Con- 
federacy, were the offsprings of a queen of Kasi. This 
probably indicates that a junior branch of the royal 
family of Kasi established itself in Videha. 

The Deccan in the age of the later Vaidehas. 

The expression u Dakshinapada " occurs in the Rig 
Veda (X. 61. 8) and refers to the place where the exile 
goes on being expelled. In the opinion of several scholars 
this simply means " the South " beyond the limits of the 
recognised Aryan world. Dakshinatya is found in Panini 
(IV. 2. 98). Dakshinapatha is mentioned by Baudhfi- 
yana coupled with Surashtra (Bau. Sutra I. 1. 29). It is 
however extremely difficult to say what Panini or Bau- 
dhayana exactly meant by Dakshinatya or Dakshinapatha. 

Whatever may be the correct meaning of those terms 
it is certain that already in the age of the later Vaidehas 
the Aryans had crossed the Vindhyas and established 
several states in the Deccan. One of these states was 
Vidarbha. Vidarbha or Berar was certainly a famous 
kingdom in the time of Nami or Nimi. We have already 


seen that the Kumbhakara Jataka and the Uttara- 
dhyayana make him a contemporary of Naggaji, Naggati 
or Nagnajit king of Gandhara. We learn from the 
Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 34) that Nagnajit was a con- 
temporary of Bhlma king of Vidarbha. 

" Etamu haiva prochatuh Parvata Naradau Somakaya 
Sahadevyaya Sahadevaya Sariijayaya Babhrave Daiva- 
vridhaya Bhlmaya Vaidarbhaya Nagnajite Gandharaya." 

Vidarbha therefore existed as an independent king- 
dom in the time of Nimi. The kingdom is mentioned in 
the Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana (II. 440; Ved. Ind. 
II. 29-7). It was famous for its Macbalas (perhaps a 
species of dog) which killed tigers. The Pras'na Upanishad 
mentions a sage of Vidarbha named Bhargava as a contem- 
porary of As'valayana. A sage called Vidarbhl Kaundineya 
is mentioned in the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad. The name 
Kaundineya is apparently derived from the city of 
Kundina, the capital of Vidarbha (Mbh. III. 73. 1-2 ; 
Harivams'a, Vishnuparva, 59-60), represented by the 
modern Kaundinya-pura on the banks of the Wardha in the 
Chandur taluk of Amraoti (Gaz. Amraoti, Vol. A, p. 406). 

From the Puranic account of the Yadu family it 
appears that Vidarbha, the eponymous hero of the Vidar- 
bhas, was of Yadu lineage (Matsya Purana, 44. 36 ; Vayu 
Purana, 95. 35-36). 

If the evidence of the Kumbhakara Jataka has any 
value, then Nimi king of Videha, Nagnajit king of Gan- 
dhara and Bhlma king of Vidarbha must be considered to 
be contemporaries of Karandu of Kalinga. It follows 
from this that the kingdom of Kalinga was in exist- 
ence in the time of Nimi and his contemporaries of the 
Brahmana period. The evidence of the Jataka is con- 
firmed by that of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra. The Maha- 
govinda Suttanta (Dialogues of the Buddha, II. 270) 
makes Sattabhu king of Kalinga a contemporary of Renu 


king of Mithila, and of Dhatarattha or Dhritarashtra king 
of Kasi (mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana, ^III. 5. 
4. 22,\ There can thus be no doubt that Kalinga existed 
as an independent kingdom in the time of which the 
Brahmanas speak. It comprised the whole coast from 
the river Vaitaranl (Mbh. III. 114. 4) in Orissa to the 
borders of the Andhra territory. We learn from the 
Jatakas that the capital of Kalinga was Dantapuranagara 
(Dantakura, Mbh. V. 48. 76). The Mahabharata mentions 
another capital called Rajapura (XII. 4. 3). The Jaina 
writers refer to a third city called Kamchanapura (Ind. Ant. 
1891, p. 375). 

The Mahagovinda Suttanta refers to another southern 
realm, namely, Assaka which existed in the time of Renu 
and Dhatarattha (Dhritarashtra). It was ruled by king 
Brahmadatta who had his capital at Potana. 

The Aitareya Brahmana refers (VIII. 14) to princes 
of the south who are called Bhojas and whose subjects 
are called the Satvats " dakshinasyam disi ye ke cha 
Satvatam rajano Bhaujyayaivate ' bhishichyante Bhojetye- 
nanabhishiktanachakshata." In the Satapatha Brahmana 
(XIII. 5. 4. 21) the defeat by Bharata of the 8atvats, 
and his taking away the horse which they had prepared 
for an Asvamedha are referred to. These Satvats must 
have lived near Bharata's realm, i. e., near the Ganges 
and the Yamuna (<?/. Sat. Br. XIII. 5. 4. 11). But in 
the time of the Aitareya Brahmana they must have 
moved southward. Their kings were called Bhojas. 
This account of the Satvats and the Bhojas, deduced 
from the Brahmanical statements, accords strikingly 
with Pauranic evidence. It is stated in the Puranas 
that the Satvatas and the Bhojas were offshoots of the 
Yadu family which dwelt at Mathura on the banks of the 
Yamuna (Matsya, 43. 48 ; 44. 46-48 ; Vayu, 94. 52 ; 96. 
48 ; 96. 1-2 ; Vishnu, IV. 13. 1-6). We are further 


told by the same authorities that they were the kindreds 
of the southern realm of Vidarbha (Mat. 44. 36 ; Vayu 
95. 35-36). We have evidence of a closer connection 
between the Bhojas and Vidarbha. The inclusion of a 
place called Bhojakata in Vidarbha is proved by the 
Harivariisa (Vishnu Parva, 60. 32) and the Mahabharata 
(V. 157. 15-16). The Chammak grant of the Vakataka king 
Pravarasena II makes it clear that the Bhojakata territory 
was equivalent to the Ilichpur district in Berar or Vidarbha 
(J. R. A. S., 3914, p. 329). Dr. Smith says," The name 
Bhojakata ' castle of the Bhojas ' implies that the province 
was named after a castle formerly held by the Bhojas, 
an ancient ruling race mentioned in the edicts of Asoka." 
Kalidasa in his Raghuvariisa (V. 39-40) calls the king of 
Vidarbha a Bhoja (cf. also Mbh. V. 48. 74; 157. 17). But 
Vidarbha was not the only Bhoja state. The Aitareya 
Brahmana refers to several Bhoja kings of the south. 
A line of Bhojas must have ruled in Dandaka. A passage 
in the Arthasastra (Ed. 1919, p. 11) runs thus : — 

"Dandakyo nama Bhojah Kamat Brahmana-kanyam 
abhimanyamanas sabandhu rashtro vinanasa " — a Bhoja 
known as Dandakya, or king of Dandaka, making a lasci- 
vious attempt on a Brahmana girl, perished along with his 
relations and kingdom. We learn from the Sarabhanga 
Jataka (No. 522) that the kingdom of Dandaki had its 
capital at Kumbhavatl. According to the Ramayana 
(VII. 92 k 18) the name of the capital was Madhumanta. 

It is clear, from what has been stated above, that there 
were, in the age of the later Vaidehas, and the Brahmanas, 
many kingdoms in the south, namely, the Bhoja kingdoms, 
one of which was Vidarbha, and another, probably, Danda- 
ka, as well as Kalinga and Assaka (on the Godavarl, Sutta 
Nipata S. B. E., X, pt. II, p. 184). With the exception 
of these states the whole of Trans-Vindhyan India was 
occupied by non-Aryan (dasyu) tribes such as the 


Andhras, Sabaras, Pulindas and probably also the Mutibas 
(Ait. Br. VII. 18). In the opinion of Dr. Smith the 
Andhras were a Dra vidian people, now represented by the 
large population speaking the Telugu language, who 
occupied the deltas of the Godavarl and the Krishna. 
Mr. P. T. Srinivas Iyengar argues that the Andhras 
were originally a Vindhyan tribe, and that the extension 
of Andhra power was from the west to the east down the 
Godavarl and Krishna valleys (Ind. Ant., 1913, pp. 276-8). 
Prof. Bhandarkar, however, points out that the Serivanij 
Jataka places Andhapura, i. e., the pura or capital of the 
Andhras, on the river Telavaha which is either the modern 
Tel or Telingiri both not far distant from each other and 
flowing near the confines of the Madras Presidency and 
the Central Provinces. (Ind. Ant., 1918, p. 71.) 

The Sabaras and the Pulindas are described in the 
Matsya and the Vayu Puranas as Dakshinapathavasinah, 
together with the Vaidarbhas and the Dandakas : 

' n v 

Tesharh pare janapada Dakshinapathavasinah 


KarushaScha sahaishika atabj ah Sabarastatha 
Pulinda Vindhya Pushika Vaidarbha Darujakaih saha 

(Matsya. 114.46-48.) 
Abhirah Sahachaishikah atabyah ^abarascha ye 
Pulinda Vindhya Mulika Vaidarbha Danijakaih saha 

(Vayu. 45, 126.) 

The Mahabharata also places the Andhras, Pulindas 
and $aharas in the Deccan : — 

DakshiiiRpathajanmanah sarveuaravarandhraksh 
Guhah Pulindah Sabaras - Chuchuka Madrakaih saha. 

(Mbh. XII. 207. 42.) 

The capital of the Pulindas (Pulindanagara) probably 
lay to the south-east of Das'arna (Mbh. II. 5-10), i.e., the 
Vidisa or Bhilsa region (Meghaduta, 24-25). 


The location of the territory of the Mutibas, another 
Dasyu tribe mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana along 
with the Andhras, Pulindas, and Sabaras, is not so certain. 
In the Saiikhayana &rauta Sutra (XV. 26. 6) the 
Mutibas are called Muchlpa or MuvSpa. It is not al- 
together improbable that they are the people who appear 
in the Markandeya Purana (57. 46) under the designation 
of Mushika. A comparison of the Aitareya Brahmana 
with the ^ankhayana $rauta Sutra betrays a good deal 
of confusion with regard to the second and third con- 
sonants of the name. It was, therefore, perfectly natural 
for the Pauranic scribes to introduce further variations. 

The Sixteen Mahajanapadas 
The Vedic texts do not throw much light on the 
political history of the period which elapsed from the 
fall of the Videhan monarchy to the rise of Kosala under 
Mahakosala, the father-in-law of Bimbisara. But we 
know from the Buddhist Anguttara Nikaya that during 
this period there were sixteen states of considerable extent 
and power known as the Solasa Mahajanapada. These 
states were : — 

1. Kasi 9. Kuru 

2. Kosala 10. Panchala 

3 Anga' 11. Machchha (Matsya) 

4. Magadha 12. Surasena 

5. Vajji 13. Assaka 

6. Malla 14. Avanti 

7. Chetiya (Chedi) 15. Gandhara 

8. Vamsa (Vatsa) 16. Kamboja. 

These Mahajanapadas flourished together during a 
period posterior to Kalara-Janaka but anterior to Maha- 
kosala, because one of them, Vajji, rose to power after 
the fall of the Videhan monarchy, while another, namely, 


Kasi, lost its independence before the time of Mahakosala 
and formed an integral part of the Kosalan monarchy 
in the sixth century B.C. 

The Jaina Bhagavati Sutra gives a slightly different 
list of the sixteen Mahajanapadas : 




Padba (Panclya ?) 




Ladha (Radha) 


Magaba (Magadha) 


Ba jji (Vajji) 














Vaclichha (Vatsa) 




Kocbcbba (Kachchha ?) 


Sambhuttara (Sumhot 
tara ?) 

It will be seen that Anga, Magadha, Vatsa, Vajji, 
Kasi, and Kosala are common to both the lists. Malava 
of the Bhagavati is probably identical with Avanti of 
the Anguttara. Moli is probably a corruption of Malla. 
The other states mentioned in the Bhagavati are new, and 
indicate a knowledge of the far east and the £ar south of 
India. The more extended horizon of the Bhagavati clearlv 
proves that its list is later than the one given in the 
Buddhist Anguttara. We shall therefore accept the 
Buddhist list as a correct representation of the political 
condition of India after the fall of the House of 

Of the sixteen Mahajanapadas Kasi was probably 
at first the most powerful. We have already seen that 
Kasi probably played a prominent part in the subversion 
of the Videhan monarchy. Several Jatakas bear witness to 
the superiority of its capital Benares over the other cities, 
and the imperial ambition of its rulers. The Guttila 
Jataka (No. 243) says that the city of Benares is the 
chief city in all India. It extended over twelve leagues 


( " dvadasayojanikam sakala Bariinasinagaram " — Sam- 
bhava Jataka, No. 515 ; Sarabha-miga J. 483 ; Bhuridatta J. 
543) whereas Mithila and Indapatta were each only seven 
leagues in extent (Suruchi J. 489 : Vidhurapandita J. 545). 
Several Kasi monarchs are described as aspirants for the 
dignity of " sabbarajunam aggaraja," and lord of sakala- 
Jambudtpa (Bhaddasala Jataka, 465 ; Dhonasakha Jataka 
353). The Mahavagga also mentions the fact that Kasi 
was a great realm in former times : 

" Bhutapubbam bhikkhave Baranasiyam Brahmadatto 
naraa Kasiraja ahosi addho mahaddhano Mababhogo 
mahabbalo mahavahano mahavijito paripunnakosa kot- 

(Mahavagga X. 2. 3 } Vinaya Pitakam I. 342.) 

The Jainas also afford testimony to the greatness of 
Kasi, and represent Asvasena, king of Benares, as the 
father of their Tirthakara Parsva who is said to have died 
250 years before Mahavira, i.e., in 777 B.C. 

Already in the Brahmana period a king of Kasi named 
Dhritarashtra attempted to offer a horse sacrifice, but was 
defeated by Satrajita ^atanika with the result that the 
Kasis. down to the time of the ^atapatha Brahmana, 
gave up the kindling of the sacred fire (Sat. Br., XIII. 
5. 4. 19). Some of the other Kasi monarchs were more 
fortunate. Thus in the Brahachatta Jataka (No. 336) a 
king of Benares is said to have gone against the king of 
Kosala with a large army. He entered the city of Savatthi 
and took the king prisoner. The Kosambi Jataka (No. 
428), the Kunala Jataka (No. 536) and the Mahavagga 
(S.B.E., Vol. XIII, pp. 294-299) refer to the annexation 
of the kingdom of Kosala by the Brahmadattas of Kasi. 
The Assaka Jataka (No. 207) refers to the city of Potali, 
the capital of Assaka in Southern India, as a city of the 
kingdom of Kasi. Evidently the reigning prince of Potali 
was a vassal of the sovereign of Kasi. In the Sona-Nanda 


Jataka (No. 532) Manoja, king of Benares, is said to have 
subdued the kings of Kosala, Aiiga, and Magadha. In the 
Mahabharata (XIII. 30) Pratardana king of Kas'i, is said 
to have crushed the power of the Vitahavyas or Haihavn-. 
In the absence of corroborative evidence it is difficult to 
say how far the account of the achievements of individual 
kings, mentioned in the Jatakas and the epic, is authentic. 
But the combined testimony of many Jatakas and the 
Mahavagga clearly proves that Kasi was at one time a 
stronger power than many of its neighbours including 

Prof. Bhandarkar has pointed out that several Kasi 
monarchs, who figure in the Jatakas, are also mentioned 
in the Puranas, e.g., Vissasena of Jataka No. 268, Udaya, 
of Jataka No. 458, and Bhallatiya of Jataka No. 504 
are mentioned in the Puranas as Vishvakasena, Udakasena, 
and Bhallata (Matsya 49. 57 et seq. ; Vayu 99. 180 et seq. ; 
Vishnu IV. 19. 13). 

We know from the Bhojajaniya Jataka (No. 23) 
that " all the kings round coveted the kingdom of Benares." 
We are told that on one occasion seven kings encompassed 
Benares (Jataka, 181). Benares in this respect resembled 
ancient Babylon and mediaeval Rome, being the coveted 
prize of its more warlike but less civilized neighbours. 

The kingdom of Kosala was bounded on the west 
by Panchala, on the south by the Sarpika or Syandika 
(Sai) river (Ram II. 49.11-12 ; 50. 1), on the east by the 
Sadanira which separated it from Videha, and on the north 
by the Nepal hills. Roughly speaking, it corresponds to 
the modern Oudh. It included the territory of the Sakyas 
of Kapilavastu. In the Sutta Nipata (S.B.E., X, Part II, 
68-69) Buddha says " just beside Himavanta there lives 
a people endowed with the power of wealth, the inhabi- 
tants of Kosala. They are Adichchas by family, Sakiyas 
by birth; from that family I have wandered out, not 


longing for sensual pleasures." This passage leaves no 
room for doubt that the Sakiyas or $akyas were included 
among the inhabitants of Kosala. If any doubt is still 
entertained it is set at rest by Pasenadi's words recorded 
in the Majjhima Nikaya (II. 124) : 

" Bhagava pi khattiyo, aham pi khattiyo, Bhagava pi 
Kosalako, aham pi Kosalako, Bhagava pi asitiko, aham 
pi asitiko." 

Kosala proper contained three important cities, 
namely, Ayodhya, Saketa and Savatthi or Sravasti. 

Ayodhya (Oudh) was a town on the river Sarayu. 
Saketa is often supposed to be the same as Ayodhya, but 
Prof. Rhys Davids points out that both cities are men- 
tioned as existing in the Buddha's time. They were 
possibly adjoining like London and "Westminster. Savatthi 
is the great ruined city on the south bank of the Rapt! 
called Saheth-Maheth which is situated on the borders 
of the Gonda and Bahraich districts of the United 

In the story of the spread of Aryan culture told in 
the Satapatha Brahmana the Kosalas appear as falling 
later than the Kuru Panchalas, but earlier than the 
Videhas, under the influence of Brahmanical civilisation. 

In the Ramayana and in the Puranas the royal 
family of Kosala is represented as being descended from 
a king named Ikshvaku. Branches of this family are 
represented as ruling at Vis'ala or Vaisali (Ramayana I. 
47. 11-12), at Mithila (Vayu. P. 89. 3) and at Kusinara 
(The Kusa Jataka No. 531). 

A prince named Ikshvaku is mentioned in a passage 
of the Rig Veda (X. 60. 4). In the Atharva Veda (XIV. 
39. 9) either Ikshvaku, or one of his descendants, is 
referred to as an ancient hero. 

The Puranas give lists of kings of the Aikshvaka 
dynasty from Ikshvaku himself to Prasenajit, the 


contemporary of Bimbisara. Many of these kings are 
mentioned in the Vedic literature. For example : — 

Mandhatri Yuvan£s'va (Vayu, 88. 67) is mentioned 

in the Gopatha Brahmana (I. 2. 10 et seq.). 
Purukutsa (Vayu, 88. 72) is mentioned in the Rig 

Veda (I. 63. 7 ; 112. 7. 14 ; 174. 2. VI. 20. 10). 

In the ^atapatha Brahmana (XIII. 5. 4. 5) he 

is called an Aikshvaka. 
Trasadasyu (Vayu 88. 74) is mentioned in the Rig 

Veda (IV. 38. 1 ; VII. 19. 3, etc.) 
Tryaruna (Vayu 88. 77) is mentioned in the Rig 

Veda (V. 27). In the Panchavimsa Brahmana 

(XIII. 3. 12) he is called an Aikshvaka. 
Trisanku (Vayu 88. 109) is mentioned in the Taittirl- 

ya Upanishad (I. 10. 1). 
Harischandra (Vayu 88. 117) is mentioned in the 

Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 13. 16) and is styled 

Rohita, the son of Haris'chandra (Vayu 88. 119) is 

also mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 

Bhagiratha (Vayu 88. 167) is mentioned in the 

Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana (IV. 6. 12) and 

is called Aikshvaka. 
Ambarisha (Vayu 88. 171) is mentioned in the Rig 

Veda (I. 100. 17). 
Rituparna (Vayu 88. 173) is mentioned in a Brfih- 

mana-like passage of the Baudhayana Srauta 

Sutra (XX. 12). 
llama (Vayu 88. 185) may be the person of the same 

name mentioned in the Rig Veda (X 93. 14). 

But Rama in the Vedic passage is not connect- 
ed with either the Ikshvaku family or with 



Hiranyanabha Kausalya (Vayu, 88. 207), is mention- 
ed in the Pras'na Upanishad, VI. 1 and the 
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, XVI. 9. 13. He is 
probably connected with Para Atnara Hai- 
ranyanabha, the Kosala king mentioned in a 
gatha occurring in the Satapatha Brahmana, 
Xllf . 5. 4. 4. According to the Pras'na Upani- 
shad Hiranyanabha was a contemporary of 
Sukesa Bharadvaja (VI. 1) who was himself a 
contemporary of Kausalya Asvalayana (Prasna 
I. 1). If it be true, as seems probable, that 
As'valayana of Kosala is identical with Assala- 
yana of Savatthi mentioned in the Majjhima 
Nikaya (IT. 147 et seq.) as a contemporary of 
Gotama Buddha, he must be placed in the 
sixth century B.C. Consequently Hiranyanabha, 
too, must have lived in that century. The 
patronymic " Hairanyanabha " of Para Atnara 
probably indicates that he was a son of 
Some of the later princes of the Pauranic list (e.g. 
Sakya, Suddhodana, Siddhartha, Rahula and Prase- 
najit) are mentioned in Buddhist texts. The relations 
of Hiranyanabha with Prasenajit who also flourished 
in the six+h century B.C., will be discussed in a later 

It is clear from the facts mentioned above that the 
Pauranic lists contain names of real kings and princes. 
But they have many glaring defects. 

(1) Branches of the Ikshvaku family ruling over 
different territories have been mixed together, e.g., 
Trasadasyu, king of the Pttrus (Rig Veda, IV. 38. 1 ; VII. 
19. 3), Kituparna, king of $aphala (Baud. Srauta Sutra, 
XX. 12), Suddhodana of Kapilavastu and Prasenajit, king 
of Sravasti, have been mentioned in such away as to leave 



the impression that they formed a continuous line of 
princes who ruled in regular succession. 

(2) Contemporaries have been represented as succes- 
sors and collaterals have been represented as lineal 
descendants, e.g., Prasenajit, king of $ravastl, is 
represented as the lineal successor of Siddhartha, and 
Rahula, though he was actually a contemporary of Siddhar- 
tha, and belonged to a different branch of the Ikshvaku 

(3) Certain names have been omitted, e.g., Para 
Atnara and Mahakosala. 

(4) The name of Siddhartha (Buddha), who never 
ruled, has b © en included. 

It is not easy to find out all the kings of the 
Pauranic list who actually ruled over Kosala. The names 
of some of the earlier kings of the Pauranic Kst, e.g., 
Purukutsa, Trasadasyu, Harischandra, Rohita, Rituparna 
and a few others, are omitted from the dynastic list of the 
kings of Ayodhya given in the Ramayana (I. 70). We 
know from the Vedic literature that most, if not all, of 
these princes ruled over territories lying outside 
Kosala. The only kings or Rajas mentioned in the 
Pauranic list who are known from Vedic and early 
Buddhist texts to have reigned in Kosala, or over some 
part of it, are Hiranyanabha, Prasenajit and Suddhodana. 

The Vedic texts mention another king named Para 
Atnara. The Buddhist works mention a few other kings 
of Kosala, but their names do not occur in the epic and 
Pauranic lists. Some of these kings had their capital at 
Ayodhya, others at Sake ta, and the rest at Sravastt. Of 
the princes of Ayodhya the Ghata Jataka (No. 451) 
mentions Kalasena. A Kosalaraja reigning in Saketa 
is mentioned in the Nandiyamiga Jataka (No. 385). 
Vanka, Mahakosala and many others had their capital at 
Savatthi or Sravastt. Ayodhya seems to have been the 


earliest capital, and Saketa the next. The last capital 
was ^ravastl. Ayodhya had sunk to the level of an 
unimportant town in Buddha's time (Buddhist India, p. 
34), but Saketa and Sravastl were included among the 
six great cities of India (Mahaparinibbana Sutta, S.B.E. 
XI, p. 99). 

We learn from the Mahavagga (S.B.E., XVII, p. 
294) that during the period of the earlier Brahmadattas 
of Kasi, Kosala was a small realm. (Dighiti nama 
Kosalaraja ahosi daliddo appadhano appabhogo appabalo 
appavahano appavijito aparipunnakosakotthagaro). 

In the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. Kosala was 
a mighty kingdom which contended first with Kasi, 
and afterwards with Magadha for the mastery of the 
Madhyadesa. The history of its struggles with Kasi is 
reserved for treatment in a later chapter. The rivalry 
with Magadha ended in the absorption of the kingdom 
into the Magadhan Empire. 

Anga was the country to the east of Magadha. 
It was separated from the latter kingdom by the river 
Champa. The Anga dominions, however, at one time 
included Magadha and extended to the shores of the sea. 
The Vidhura Pandita Jataka (No. 545) describes Rajagriha 
as a city of Ansra. The &anti Parva of the Mahabharata 
(29.35) refers to an Anga king who sacrificed on Mount 
Vishnupada at Gaya. The Sabha-parva (44.9) mentions 
Anga and Vanga as forming one Vishaya or kingdom. 
The Katha-sarit-sagara says that Vitankapur, a city of the 
Angas, was situated on the shore of the sea (Tawney, 
Katha-sarit-sagara, II, ch. 82, p. 272 ; I, ch. 25, pp. 
206, 207 ; ch. 26, p. 225). 

Champa, the famous capital of Anga, stood on the 
river of the same name (Jataka 506 ; modern Chandan) 
and the Ganges (Watters, Yuan Chwang, II, 1S1). Cun- 
ningham points out that there still exist near Bhagalpur 


two villages, Champanagara arid Champapura, which most 
probably represent the actual site of the ancient capital. 
It is stated in the Puranas and the Harivamsa that 
the aucient name of Champa was Malinl (Matsya, 
48. 97 ; Vayu, 99. 105-OG ; Hariv. 32. 49 ; cf. Mbh. XII. 
5. 6-7) : 

Champasya tu purl Champa 
Ya Malinyabhavat pura. 

In the Jataka stories the city is also called Kala- 
Champa. In the Maha- Janaka Jataka (No. 539) it is stated 
that Champa was sixty leagues from Mithila. The same 
Jataka refers to its gate, watch-tower, and walls. 

Down to the time of Gotama Buddha's death it 
was considered as one of the six great cities of India, the 
other five being Kajagriha, $ravasti, Saketa, Kausambi, 
and Benares (Mahaparinibbana Sutta). Champa increa- 
sed in wealth and traders sailed from it to Suvarnabhumi 
for trading purposes (Jataka, Camb, Ed. VI, 539, p. 20). 
Emigrants from Champa to Cochin China named their 
settlement after this famous Indian city (Ind. Ant. VI. 
229, Itsing, 58). 

Anga is mentioned in the Atharva Veda (V. 22. 14) 
in connection with the Gandharis, Mujavants, and 
Magadhas. The Ilamayana tells an absurd story about 
the origin of Anga. It is related in that epic that 
Madana having incurred the displeasure of Mahadeva 
fled from the hermitage of the latter to escape his 
consuming anger, and the region where " he cast 
off his body (Anga) " has since been known by the 
name of Aiiga (Nundolal Dey, Notes on Ancient 
Anga, J. A. S. B., 1914, p. 317). The Mahabharata 
attributes the foundation of the Anga kingdom to a 
prince named Anga. There may be some truth in this 
tradition. Anga Vairochana is included in the list of 


anointed kings in the Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 22). 
The Mahagovinda Suttanta mentions king Dhataratf.ha 
of Anga (Dialogues of the Buddha, II, 270). The 
Buddhist texts mention a queen named Gaggara who 
gave her name to a famous lake in Champa. The Purfma- 
(Matsya, 48. 91-108 ; Vayu 99. 100-112) give lists of the 
early kings of Anga. One of these kings Dadhivahana 
is known to Jaina tradition. The Puranas and the 
Harivamsa (32.43) represent him as the son and immediate 
successor of Aiiga. Jaina tradition places him in the 
beginning of the sixth century B.C. His daughter 
Chandana or Chandravala was the first female who 
embraced Jainism shortly after Mahavira had attained 
the Kevaliship (J.A.S.B., 1914, pp. 320-321). Satanika, 
king of Kausambi attacked Champa, the capital of Dadhi- 
vahana, and in the confusion which ensued, Chandana 
fell into the hands of a robber, but all along she main- 
tained the vows of the order. Magadha was then a small 
kingdom. A great struggle for supremacy was going on 
between Anga and Magadha (Champeyya Jataka). The 
Vidhura Pandita Jataka describes Rajagriha as a city of 
Anga, while the Mahabharata refers to a sacrifice which an 
Anga king performed at Mt. Vishnupada at Gaya. These 
facts probably indicate that at one time the Anga king 
annexed Magadha. Brahmadatta, king of Aiiga, is actually 
known to have defeated Bhattiya, .king of Magadha. 
Anga had, at this time, an ally in the king of the Vatsas. 
Sri Harsha speaks of a king of Anga named Dridhavarmma 
being restored to his kingdom by Udayana, king of 
Kausambi (Priyadarsika, Act IV). 

The destruction of "the kingdom of Aiiga was effected 
by Bhattiya's son Bimbisara Srenika of Magadha who 
killed Brahmadatta, took his capital Champa, and resided 
there as viceroy till his father's death when he returned 
to Rajagriha (J.A.S.B., 1914, p. 321). 


Magadha corresponds roughly to the present Patna 
and Gaya districts of Bihar. Its earliest capital was Giri- 
vraja, or old Rajagfiha, near Rajgir among the hills near 
Gaya. The Mahavagga(S.B.E., XIII, 150) calls it Giribbaja 
of the Magadhas to distinguish it from other cities of the 
same name (cf. Girivraja in Kekaya). The Mahabharata 
calls it Girivraja and Magadhapura (Goratham girima- 
sadya dadiisur Magadhamptfram II. 20. 30) and says that 
it was an impregnable city, purarh duradharsham saman- 
tatali, being protected by five hills, Vaihara " Vipulah 
s'ailo, " Varaha, Vrishabha, Rishigiri and Chaityaka. From 
the Ramayana we learn that the city had another name 
Vasumati (I. 32. 8). The Life of Hiuen Tsang (p. 113) 
mentions another name, Kusagarapura. 

In a passage of the Rig Veda (III. 53. 14) mention is 
made of a territory called Kikata ruled by a chieftain 
named Pramaganda. Yaska (Nirukta VI. 32) declares 
that Kikata was the name of a non-Aryan country. In 
later works Kikata is given as a synonym of Magadha (cf. 
Bhagavata Purana I. 3. 24 Buddhonamna'njanasutah 
Kikateshu bhavishyati). 

The name Magadha first appears in the Atharva Veda 
(V. 22. 14) where fever is wished away to the Gandharis, 
Mujavants, Angas, and Magadhas. The men of Magadha 
are always spoken of .in the Vedic literature in terms of 
contempt. In the Vratya (XV) book of the Atharva 
Samhita, the Vratya, i.e., the Indian living outside 
the pale of Brahmanism, is brought into very special 
relation to the Pumschali and the Magadha, faith is 
called his harlot, the Mitra his Magadha (Weber Hist. 
Ind. Lit., p. 112). In the Srauta Sutras the equipment 
characteristic of the Vratya is said to be given, when the 
latter is admitted into the Aryan Brahmanical community, 
to the so-called Brahmanas living in Magadha (Brahma- 
bandhu Magadhadesiya, Vedic Index II. 116). The 


Brahmanas of Magadha are here spoken of in a sneering 
tone as Brahma hmnllnt. The Vedic dislike of the 
Magadhas was in all probability due, as Oldenberg 
(Buddha 400,n) thinks, to the fact that the Magadhas 
were not wholly Brahmanised. Pargiter (J.R.A.S., 1908, 
pp. 851-853) suggests that in Magadha the Aryans met 
and mingled with a body of invaders from the east by sea. 

"With the exception of Pramaganda no king of 
Magadha appears to be mentioned in the Vedic literature. 

The earliest dynasty of Magadha according to the 
Mahabharata (I. 63. 30) and the Puranas is that founded 
by Brihadratha, the son of Vasu Chaidyoparichara, and 
the father of Jarilsandha. The Ramayana (I. 32. 7) 
makes Vasu himself the founder of Girivraja or Vasumati. 
A Brihadratha is mentioned twice in the Rig Veda (T. 36. 
18 ; X. 49. 6) but there is nothing to show that he is 
identical with the father of Jarasandha. The Puranas 
give lists of the Barhadratha kings from Jarasandha's 
son Sahadeva to Ripimjaya. But in the absence of 
independent external corroboration it is not safe to accept 
the Puranic accounts of these princes as sober history. 
The Barhadrathas are said to have passed away when 
Pulika placed his son Pradyota on the throne of Avanti. 
As Pradyota was a contemporary of Gotama Buddha 
it is reasonable to conclude that the Barhadratha dynasty 
came to an end in the sixth century B.C. The Jaina 
writers mention two early kings of Rajagriha named 
Samudravijaya and his son Gay a (S.B.E., XLV, 86). 
Gaya is said to have reached perfection which has been 
taught by the Jinas. But very little reliance can be 
placed on the uncorroborated assertions of late Jaina 

The second Magadhan dynasty, according to the 
Puranas, was the Sais'unaga dynasty founded by a king 
named Sis'unaga. Bimbisara, the contemporary of Buddha, 


is said to have belonged to this dynasty. The Mahavarhsa 
however makes Susunaga the founder of a dynasty which 
succeeded that of Bimbisara. The Puranas themselves 
relate that $isunaga will destroy the prestige of the 
Pradyotas and will be king :— 

Ashta-trimsachehhatam bhavyah 
Prildyotah pancha te sutah 
Hatva tesham yas'ah kritsnam 
Sis'unaga bhavishyati. 

(Vayu Purana, 99, 314). 

If this statement be true, then Sisunaga must be later 
than the first Pradyota, namely Chanda Pradyota Maha- 
sena, who was, according to the early Pali texts, a con- 
temporary of Bimbisara. It follows that Sis'unaga must 
be later than Bimbisara. But we have seen that the 
Puranas make Sis'unaga an ancestor of Bimbisara. Tims 
the Puranas, in their present form, are self -contradictory. 
The inclusion of Varanasl within $isunaga's dominions 
(Dynasties of the Kali Age, 21), proves that he came after 
Bimbisara and Ajatasatru who were the first to establish 
Magadhan authority in Kasi. The Malalankaravatthu tells 
us (S.B.E., XI, p. xvi) that Rajagriha lost her rank of 
royal city from the time of &isunaga. This indicates that 
Sisunaga came after the palmy days of Rajagriha, i.e., the 
period of Bimbisara and Ajatasatru. Prof. Bhandarkar in 
his Carmichael Lectures, 1918, accepts the Ceylonese 
version and rejects the Pauranic account of Bimbisara's 
lineage. He makes Bimbisara the founder of a dynasty, 
and says that he was a general who carved out a kingdom 
for himself at the expense of the Vajjis. The Malifiv.-uiwi 
however states (Geiger's translation, p. 12) that Bimbisara 
was anointed king by his own father when be was only I ."• 
years old. Mr. Nundolal Dey mentions Bhattiva as the 
name of the father (J.A.S.B., 1914,321). We have already 


mentioned his defeat at the hands of Brahmadatta, king 
of Anga. The defeat was avenged by Bimbisara who 
launched Magadha into that career of conquest and nggran- 
disement which only ended when Asoka sheathed his 
sword after the conquest of Kalinga. 

The Vajjis, according to Prof. Rhys Davids ; nd 
Cunningham, included eight confederate clans (atthakula), 
of whom the Videhans and the Lichchhavis were the 
most important. Among the other clans we may men- 
tion the Jnatrikas and the Vajjis proper. 

The Videhans had their capital at Mithila which 
is identified by some scholars with the small town of 
Janakpur just within the Nepal border. But a section 
of them may have settled in Vaisali. To this section 
probably belonged the princess Trisala, also called 
Videhadatta, mother of Mahavira. 

The Lichchhavis had their capital at Vesali (Vaisali) 
which has been identified with Besarh (to the east of the 
Gandak), in the Muzaffarpur district of Bihar. Vesali is 
probably identical with the city called Visala in the 
Hamayana (Adi., 45. 10) : 

Visalam nagarim ramyarh divyam svargopamam tada. 

We learn from the introductory portion of the Eka- 
panna Jataka (No. 149) that a triple wall encompassed the 
city, each wall a league distant from the next, and there 
were three gates with watch-towers. 

The Jnatrikas were the clan of Siddhartha and his 
son Mahavira the Jina. They had their seats at Kunda- 
pura or Kundagrama and Kollaga, suburbs of Vesali. 
Nevertheless they were known as " Vesalie/' i.e., inhabitants 
of Vesali (Hoernle, Uvasagadasao, II, p. 4n). 

The Vajjis or Vrijis are mentioned by Panini (IV. 
2. 131). Kautilya (Mysore Edition, 1919, p. 378) distin- 
guishes the Vrijikas or Vajjis from the Lichchhivikas. 
Yuan Chwang (Watters, II. 81) also distinguishes the 


Fu-li-chih (Vriji) country from Feishe-li (Vaisali). It 
seems that Vrijika or Vajji was not only the name of the 
confederacy, but also of one of the constituent clans. But 
the Vajjis, like the Lichchhavis, are sometimes associated 
with the city of Vesali which was not only the capital of 
the Lichchhavi clan, but also the metropolis of the entire 
confederacy. (Cf. Majjhima Nikaya, II. 101 ; the Book of 
the Kindred Sayings, Samyutta Nikaya, by Mrs. Rhys 
Davids, pp. 257, 259.) A Buddhist tradition quoted by 
Rockhill (Life of Buddha, p. 62) mentions the city of 
Vesali as consisting of three districts. The three districts 
were probably at one time the seats of three different clans. 
The remaining clans of the confederacy resided in the 
suburbs like Kundagrama, Kollaga, Vaniyagama, etc. 

We have seen that during the Brahmana period 
Mithila had a monarchical constitution. The Ramayana 
(I. 47. 11-17) and the Puranas (Vayu, 86. 16-22 ; Vishnu, 
IV. 1. 18) state that Visala, too, was at first ruled 
by kings. The founder of the Vaisalika dynasty is said 
to have been Visala, a son of Ikshvaku according to the 
Ramayana; a descendant of Nabhaga, the brother of 
Ikshvaku, according to the Puranas. Visala is said to 
have given his name to the city. After Visala came 
Hemachandra, Suchandra, Dhumrasva, Sriiijaya, Sahadeva, 
Kusas'va, Somadatta, Kakutstha and Sumati. We do 
not know how much of the Ramayanic and Pauranic 
account of the Vaisalika nripas can be accepted as sober 
history. A king named Sahadeva Sarfijaya is mentioned 
in the Satapatha Brahmana (II. 4, 4, 3. 4) as having 
once been called Suplan Sarfijaya, and as having changed 
his name because of his success in performing the 
Dakshayana Sacrifice. In the Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 
34, 9) he is mentioned with Somaka Sahadevya. None of 
these kings, however, are connected with Vaisali in the 
Vedic literature. 


The Vajjian confederation must have been orga- 
nised after the fall of the royal houses of Videha. 
Political evolution in India thus resembles closely the 
political evolution in the ancient cities of Greece, where 
also the monarchies of the Heroic Age were succeeded 
by aristocratic republics. The probable causes of the 
transformation in Greece are thus given by Bury " in 
some cases gross misrule may have led to the violent 
deposition of a king ; in other cases, if the succession to 
the sceptre devolved upon an infant or a paltry man, the 
nobles may have taken it upon themselves to abolish the 
monarchy. In some cases, the rights of the king might 
be strictly limited, in consequence of his seeking to 
usurp undue authority ; and the imposition of limitations 
might go on until the office of the king, although main- 
tained in name, became in fact a mere magistracy in a 
state wherein the real power had passed elsewhere. Of 
the survival of monarchy in a limited form we have an 
example at Sparta; of its survival as a mere magis- 
tracy, in the Arch on Basileus at Athens." 

The cause of the transition from monarchy to republic 
in Mithila has already been stated. Regarding the 
change at Visala we know nothing, 

Several eminent scholars have sought to prove that 
the Lichchhavis, the most famous clan of the Vajjian 
confederacy, were of foregin origin. According to Dr. Smith 
the Lichchhavis were Tibetans in their origin. He infers 
this from their judicial system and the disposal of their 
dead. 1 Dr. S. C. Vidyabhushana held that the Lichchhavis 
were originally Persians and came from the Persian city 
of Nisibi. 2 Indian tradition is, however, unanimous in 
representing the Lichchhavis as Kshatriyas. Thus we 

» Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 289. 
1 Ind. Ant., 1908, p. 78. 


read in the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta " and the Lich- 
chhavis of Vesali heard the news that the Exalted One 
had died at Kusinara. And the Lichchhavis of Vesali 
sent a messenger to the Mallas, saying : ■ the Exalted 
One was a Kshatriya and, so are we. We are worthy 
to receive a portion of the relics of the Exalted One.' " 

In the Jaina Kalpa Sutra Tris'ala, sister to Chetaka 
who is regarded by several scholars as a Lichchhavi 
chief of Vesali, is styled Kshatriyani (S.B.E., XXII, pp. 
xii, 227). 

Manu says (X, 22) : 

Jhallo V allascha rajanyad vratyan Nichchhivireva cha 
Natascha Karanaschaiva Khaso Dravida eva cha. 

It may be argued that the Lichchhavis, though origi- 
nally non-Aryans or foreigners, ranked as Kshatriyas when 
they were admitted into the fold of Brahmanism, like the 
Dravidas referred to in Manu's sloka and theGurjara-Prati- 
haras of mediaeval times. But, unlike the Pratiharas and 
Dravidas, the Lichchhavis never appear to be very friendly 
towards Brahmanism. On the contrary, they were always 
to be found among the foremost champions of non- 
Brahmanic creeds like Jainism and Buddhism. As a 
matter of fact Manu brands them as the children of the 
Vratya Bajanyas. The great mediaeval Rajput families 
(though sometimes descended from foreign immigrants) 
were never spoken of in these terms. On the contrary, 
they were supplied with pedigrees going back to llama, 
Lakshmana, Yadu, Arjuna and others. My impression is 
that a body of foreigners, who were unfriendly towards the 
Brahmanas, could not have been accepted as Kshatriyas. 
The obvious conclusion seems to be that the Lichchhavis 
were indigenous Kshatriyas who were degraded to the 
position of Vratyas when they became champions 
of non-Brahmanical creeds. The Pali commentary 


Paramatthajotika (Vol. I, pp. 158-165) contains a legend 
regarding the Lichchhavis which traces their origin to 
a queen of Benares. 

The date of the foundation of the Lichchhavi power 
is not known. But it is certain that the authority of the 
clan was firmly established in the time of Mahavira and 
Gotama, i.e., in the sixth century B.C. A vivid descrip- 
tion of the Lichchhavis is given by Buddha himself in 
the following words (SBE., XI, p. 32) "Let those of the 
brethren who have never seen the Tavatimsa gods, gaze 
upon this company of the Lichchhavis, behold this com- 
pany of the Lichchhavis, compare this company of the 
Lichchhavis — even as a company of Tavatimsa gods." 

Buddhist tradition has preserved the names of emi- 
nent Lichchhavis like prince Abhaya, Otthaddha, Mahali, 
general Siha, Dummukha and Sunakkhatta. 1 

In the introductory portions of the Ekapanna (149) 
and Chulla Kalinga (301) Jatakas it is stated that the 
Lichchhavis of the ruling family numbered 7,707. There 
was a like number of viceroys, generals, and treasurers. 
The Jaina Kalpasutra (§128) refers to the " nine Lich- 
chhavis " as having formed a confederacy with nine 
Mallakis and eighteen Ganarajas of Kasi-Kosala. We 
learn from the Nirayavali Sutra that an important leader 
of this confederacy was Chetaka 2 whose sister Tris'ala or 
Videhadatta was the mother of Mahavira, and whose 
daughter Chellana or Vedehi was, according to Jaina 
writers, the mother of Kunika-Ajatasatru. 

The destruction of the confederacy of Vaisali was the 
work of Ajatasatru. The preliminaries to the conquest 

1 Anguttara Nikftya, III, 74 ; Mahfili Sutta, Dialogues of the Buddha. Part I, 
p. 198; MahSvagga, SBE., XVII, p. 108 ; Majjhima N, I. 234; 68; II. 252 ; The Book 
of the Kindred Sayings, 295. 

* In the opinion of several scholars Chetaka was a Lichchhavi. But the 
secondary names of his sister (Videhadatta) and daughter (Vedehi) probably indicate 
that he was a Videhan domiciled at Vesftli. 


of Vesali are described in the Mabavagga and the Maha- 
parinibbana Suttanta (SBE., XVII, p. 101 ; XI, pp. 1-5). 

The Mai la territory had for its capital the city 
of Kusavati or Kusinara (Kusa Jataka No. 531 ; Mahapari- 
nibbana Suttanta, Dialogues of the Buddha, Part II, 
pp. 161-162). The exact site of Kusinara is not yet 
known. In the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta it is stated 
that the Sala Grove of the Mallas, the Upavattana of 
Kusinara lay near the river Hiranyavati. Smith identi- 
fies the Hiranyavati with the Gandak and says that 
Kusinagara (Kusinara) was situated in Nepal, beyond the 
first range of hills, at the junction of the Little, or Eastern 
Ilapti with the Gandak (EHI., p. 159n). He, however, adds 
that the discovery in the large stupa behind the Nirvana 
temple near Kasia of an inscribed copper plate bearing 
the words " [parini] r vana-chaitye tamrapatta iti," has 
revived and supported the old theory, propounded by Wilson 
and accepted by Cunningham, that the remains near 
Kasia (on the Chota Gandak), in the east of the Gorakh- 
pur District, represent Kus'inagara. 

The Mallas together with the Lichchhavis are classed 
by Manu as Vratya Kshatriyas. They too, like the Lich- 
chhavis, were ardent champions of Buddhism. In the 
Mahaparinibbana Suttanta they are sometimes called 
Vasetthas (Dialogues of the Buddha, Part II, pp. 162, 
179, 181). 

Like Videha, Mallarattha (Mallarashtra, Mbh., VI. 
9. 44) had a monarchical constitution at first. The Kusa 
Jataka mentions a Malla king named Okkaka (Ikshvaku). 
The name Okkaka probably indicates that like the &akyas 
(cf. Dialogues, Part I, pp. 114-115) the Malla kings also 
belonged to the Ikshvaku family. The Mahasudassana 
Sutta mentions another king named Mahasudassana (SBE., 
XI, p. 248). These kings Okkaka and Mahasudassana may 
or may not have been historical individuals. The important 


thing to remember is that Mallarattha was at first ruled 
by kings. This conclusion is confirmed by the evidence 
of the Mahabharata (If. 30-3) which refers to a king of 
the Mallas. During the monarchical period the metropolis 
was a great city and was styled Kusavatl. 

Before Bimbisara's time the monarchy had been re- 
placed by a republic (cf. SBE. } XI, p. 102 ; Kauftlya's 
Arthasastra, 1919, p. 378) ; and the metropolis had sunk 
to the level of a " little wattel and daub town " a " branch 
township " surrounded by jungles. It was then styled 

The Mallas had two other important cities namely 
Pava (SBE., XI, p. 133^ and Bhoga-nagara (Sutta Nipata, 
194, Uvasagadasao, II, Appendix, p. 57). 

The relations of the Mallas with the Lichchhavis were 
sometimes hostile and sometimes friendly. The intro- 
ductory story of the Bhaddasala Jataka (No. 465) contains 
an account of a conflict between Bandhula the Mallian 
(Commander-in-chief of the king of Kosala) and 500 kings 
of the Lichchhavis. The Jaina Kalpasutra, however, 
refers to nine Mallakis as having formed a league 
with nine Lichchhavis, and the eighteen Ganarajas of 
Kasi-Kos'ala. 1 

The league was evidently aimed against Kunika- 
Ajatasatru who, like Philip of Macedon, was trying to 
absorb the territories of his republican neighbours. The 
Malla territory was finally annexed to Magadha. It 
certainly formed a part of the Maurya Empire in the third 
century B.C. 

Chedi was one of the countries encircling the Kurus 
(paritah Kurun, Mbh. IV. i. 11) and lay near the Jumna 

1 Nava Mallai nava Lechchhai Kftsi Kosalasya attharasu vi ganarayano. Jacobi 
translates the passage thus i 

The eighteen confederate kings of Kasi and Kosala, the nine Mallakis acd nine 


(1. 63. 2-58). It corresponds roughly to the modern 
Bundelkhand and the adjoining region. We learn from 
the Chetiya Jataka (No. 422) that its capital was 
Sotthivatinagara. The Mahabharata calls the capital 
guktimati (III. 20.50) or Sukti-sahvaya (XIV. 83.2). 
According to Mr. Nundolal Dey Sotthivati is the same as 
Suktimati (Ind. Ant., 1919, p. vii of " Geographical 
Dictionary"). The Mahabharata mentions a river called 
Suktimati which flowed by the capital of Raja Uparichara 
of Chedivishaya (I. 63, 35). Pargiter identifies the river 
with the Ken, and places the capital SuktimatI in the 
neighbourhood of Banda (J.A.S.B., 1895, 255, Markandeya 
p. 359). 

The Chedi people are mentioned as early as the Rig 
Veda. Their king Kas'u Chaidya is praised in a Danastuti 
occurring at the end of one hymn (VIII. 5. 37-39). 

The Chetiya Jataka gives the following legendary 
genealogy of Chaidya kings : 




i . 











Upachara or Apachara 


The last king's five sons are said to have founded the 
cities of Hatthipura, Assapura, Sihapura, Uttarapanchala 
and Daddarapura. Upachara, king of Chedi, is probably 
identical with Uparichara Vasu, the Paurava king of Chedi 
mentioned in the Mahabharata (I. 63. 1-2), whose five 
sons founded five lines of kings (I. 63. 30). 

Epic tradition makes the royal houses of Kausambi, 
Mahodaya and Girivraja branches of Vasu's family (Ra- 
mayana I. 32. 6-9 ; Mahabharata I. 63. 30-33). 

The Jataka and epic accounts of the early kings of 
Chedi are essentially legendary and, in the absence of 
more reliable evidence, cannot be accepted as genuine 

We learn from the Vedabbha Jataka (No. 48) that the 
road from Kasi to Chedi was unsafe being infested by 

"Vamsa or Vatsa is the country of which Kausambi, 
modern Kosam near Allahabad, was the capital. The 
Satapatha Brahmana mentions a teacher named Proti 
Kausambeya (Sat. Br., XII. 2. 2. 13) whom Harisvamin, 
the commentator, considers to be a native of the town 
Kausambi. Epic tradition attributes the foundation of 
the city of Kausambi to a Chedi prince (Ram. I. 32. 
3-6; Mbh., I. 63, 31). The origin of the Vatsa people, 
however, is traced to a king of Kasi (Harivamsa, 29, 73, 
Mbh. XII., 49, 80). It is stated in the Puranas that 
when the city of Hastinapura was carried away by the 
Ganges, Nichakshu, the great-great-grandson of Janame- 
jaya, abandoned it, and removed his residence to Kausambi. 
We have already seen that the Pauranic tradition about 
the Bharata or Kuru origin of the later kings of Kausambi 
is confirmed by Bhasa. Udayana king of Kausambi is 
described in the Svapnavasavadatta (Ed. Ganapati 6ftstri, 
p. 138) as a scion of the Bharata kula. 



The Puranas give a list of Nichakshu's successors 
down to Kshemaka and cite the following genealogical 
verse : 

Brahmakshatrasya yo yonir variiso devarshi satkritah 
Kshemakam prapya rajanarh samstham prapsyati vai 


The earliest king of Kausambi about whom we 
know anything is Satanika II of the Pauranic list. His 
father's name was Vasudana according to the Puranas, 
and Sahasranika according to Bhasa. &atanika himself 
was also styled Parantapa (Buddhist India, p. .'*). He 
married a princess of Videha as his son is called Vaidehi- 
putra. He is said to have attacked Champa the capital 
of Anga during the reign of Dadhivahana (JASB, 1914, 
p. 321). His son and successor was the famous Udayana 
the contemporary of Bimbisara. 

The Bhagga (Bharga) state of Sumsumaragiri was a 
dependency of Vatsa (Jataka No. 353; Carmichael Lee, 
p. 63). The Mahabharata (II. 30. 10-11) and the Hari- 
vams'a (29. 73) testify to the close association of Vatsa- 
bhumi and Bharga. 

The Kuril state was according to Jataka No. 537 
(Maha-Sutasoma) three hundred leagues in extent. The 
Jatakas say that the reigning dynasty belonged to the 
Yuddhitthila gotta, i.e., the family of Yudhishthira (Dhu- 
makari Jataka No. 413 ; Dasa Brahmana Jataka No. 495). 
The capital was Indapatta or Indapattana, i.e., Indraprastha 
or Indrapat near the modern Delhi. It extended over 
seven leagues (Jatakas No. 537, 545). 

The Jatakas mention the following Kuru kings and 
princes : Dhananjaya Korabya (Kurudhamma Jataka No. 
276 ; Dhumakari Jataka No. 413 ; Sambhava Jataka No. 
515 ; Vidhurapandita Jataka No. 545); Koravya (Dasa 
Brahmana Jataka No. 495 ; Mahasutasoma Jataka No. 


537) ; Sutasoma (Mahasutasoma Jataka, cf. the Mah&bha- 
rata I. 95. 75 where Sutasoma appears as the name of 
a son of Bhlma). We can not vouch for the historical 
existence of these princes in the absence of further evi- 

The Jaina Uttaradhyayana Sutra mentions a king 
Ishukara ruling at the town called Ishukara in the Kuru 
country (SBE. XLV, 62). It seems probable that after 
the removal of the main royal family to Kausambl, 
the Kuru country was parcelled out into small states 
of which Indapatta and Ishukara were apparently 
the most important. Later on the little principalities 
gave place to a Sangha or republic (Arthasastra, 1919, 

Panchala roughly corresponds to Rohilkhand and a 
part of the central Doab. The Mahabharata, the Jatakas 
and the Divyavadana (p. 435) refer to the division of this 
state into northern and southern. The Bhagirathi (Ganges) 
formed the dividing line (Mbh. I. 138. 70). According to 
the Great Epic Northern Panchala had its capital at 
Ahichchhatra (the modern Bamnagar near Aonla in the 
Bareilly District), while Southern Panchala had its 
capital at Kampilya, and stretched from the Ganges to 
the Chambal (Mbh. 138. 73-74). A great struggle raged 
in ancient times between the Kurus and the Panchalas for 
the possession of Uttara Panchala. Sometimes Uttara 
Panchala was included in Kururattha (Somanassa Jataka 
No. 505 ; Mahabharata 1. 138) and had its capital at Hasti- 
napura (Divyavadana, p. 435), at other times it formed a 
part of Kampillarattha (Brahmadatta Jataka No. 323, 
Jayaddisa Jataka No. 513 and Gandatindu Jataka No. 
520). Sometimes kings of Kampillarattha held court at 
Uttara Panchalanagara, at other times kings of Uttara 
Panchalarattha held court at Kampilla (Kumbhakfira 
Jataka No. 408). 


The history of Pafichala from the death of Pravahana 
Jaivala or Jaivali to the time of Bimbisara of Magadha is 
obscure. The only king who may be referred to this period 
is Durmukha (Dammukha) the contemporary of Nimi 
(Jataka No. 408) the penultimate sovereign of Mithila 
(Jataka No. 541 ). In the Kumbhakara Jataka it is stated 
that Dummukha's kingdom was styled Uttara Panchala- 
rattha ; his capital was not Ahichchhatra but Kampilla- 
nagara. He is represented as a contemporary of Karandu 
king of Kalinga, Naggaji (Nagnajit) king of Gandhara 
and Nimi kin? of Videha. We learn from the Aitareva 
Brahmana (VIII. 23) that Durmukha, the Pafichala king, 
made extensive conquests. His priest was Brihaduktha : 

Etam ha va Aindram Mahabhishekam Brihaduktha 
Rishir Durmukhaya Pafichalaya provacha tasmadu Dur- 
mukhah Paiichalo Raja sanvidyaya samantam sarvatah 
prithivim jayan parlyaya. 

A great Pafichala king named Chulani Brahmadatta 
is mentioned in the Maha-Ummagga Jataka (516), the 
Uttaradhyayana Sutra (SBE, XLV. 57-61), the Svapna- 
vasavadatta (Act V) and the Ramayana (I. 32). In the 
last mentioned work he is said to have married the daugh- 
ters (Kanyafr) of Kusanabha who were made hump-backs 
(Kubja) by the wind-god. In the Jataka Kevatta, the 
minister of Brahmadatta, is said to have formed a plan for 
making Chulani chief king of all India, and the king 
himself is represented as having laid siege to Mithila. In 
the Uttaradhyayana Brahmadatta is styled a Universal 
monarch. The story of Brahmadatta, is, however, essen- 
tially legendary, and little reliance can be placed on it. 
The Ramayanic legend regarding the king is only import- 
ant as showing the connection of the early Panchalas with 
the foundation of the famous city of Kanyakubja or Kanauj. 

The Uttaradhyayana Sutra mentions a king of Kam- 
pilya named Sanjaya who gave up his kingly power and 


adopted the faith of the Jinas (SBE, XLV. 80-82). We 
do not know what happened after San jay a gave up his 
kingly power. But there is reason to believe that the 
Panchalas, like the Videhas, Mallas and Kurus, estab- 
lished a Sanghaform of Government of the Rajas'abdopa- 
jivin type (Arthasastra, 1919, p. 378). 

Matsya had its capital at Viratanagara or Bairat in 
the modern Jaipur State (Carmichael Lee., 1919, p. 53). 

The early history of the Matsyas has already been 
related. Its history during the centuries which im- 
mediately preceded the reign of Bimbisara of Magadha is 
not known. It is not included by Kautilya among those 
states which had a Sangha form of Government. The 
probability is that the monarchical constitution endured 
till the loss of its independence. It was probably at one 
time annexed to the neighbouring kingdom of Chedi. The 
Mahabharata (V. 74. 16) refers to a king named Sahaja 
who reigned over both the Chedis and the Matsyas. It 
was finally absorbed into the Magadhan Empire. Some 
of the most famous edicts of Asoka have been found 
at Bairat. 

The Mahabharata (II. 31. 4) mentions a people called 
the Apara Matsyas who probably occupied the hill tract 
on the north bank of the Chambal (J.A.S.B., 1895, 251). 
The Bamayana (II. 71. 5) has a reference to the Vira 

The Surasena country had its capital at Mathura 
on the Yamuna. Neither Surasena nor Mathura finds 
any mention in the Vedic literature. But the Greek 
writers refer to the Sourasenoi and their cities Methora 
and Cleisobora. 

In the Mahabharata and the PurSnas the ruling 
family of Mathura is styled the Yadu or Yftdava family. 
The Yadavas were divided into various septs, namely, the 
Vltihotras, S&tvatas, etc. (Matsya, 43-44 ; Vayu, 94-96). 


The Satvatas were subdivided into several branches, 
e. g., the Daivavridhas, Andhakas, Mahabhojas and 
Vrishnis (Vishnu, IV. 13. 1 ; Vayu, 96. 1-2). 

Yadu and his tribe are repeatedly mentioned in 
the Rig Veda. He is closely associated with Turvasa 
and in one place (1. 108. 8^ with Druhyu, Anu and 
and Puru. This association is also proved by the epic 
and Pauranic legends which state that Yadu and Turvas'u 
were the sons of the same parents, and Druhyu, Anu 
and Puru were their step-brothers. 

We learn from the Rig Veda (I. 36. 18 ; VI. 45. 1) 
that Yadu and Turvasa came from a distant land. The 
Satvatas or Satvats also appear to be mentioned in the 
Vedic texts. In the Satapatha Brahmana (XIII. 5. 4. 21) 
the defeat by Bharata of the Satvats or Satvants and his 
taking away the horse which they had prepared for an 
Asvamedha are referred to. The geographical position 
of Bharata's kingdom is clearly shown by the fact that 
he made offerings on the Yamuna and the Ganges (Ait. 
Br. VIII, 23 ; Mbh. VII. 66. 8). The Satvats must have 
been occupying some adjoining region. The epic and 
Pauranic tradition which places them in the Mathura 
district is thus amply confirmed. At a later time, however, 
a branch of the Satvats must have migrated southward, 
for in the Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 14. 3), the Satvats 
are described as a southern people ruled by Bhoja kings. 
In the Puranas also we find that a branch of the Satvats 
was styled Bhoja (Vishnu IV, 13. 1-6) : 


bhoja-Vrishni-samjnab Satvatasya putra babhuviui 

Maha Bhojastvati dharmatma tasyanvaye Bhojamartika 
vata babhuvuti." 

It is also stated that several southern states, Mahis- 
mati, Vidarbha, etc., were founded by princes of Yadu 
lineage (Mat., p. 43. 10-29; 44. 36 ; Vayu, 94. 26; 95.35). 


Not only the Bhojas, but the Devavridha branch 
of the Satvatas is also mentioned in the Vedic literature. 
Babhru Daivavridha (Vayu, 96. 15, Vishnu, IV. 13. 3-5) 
is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 34) as a 
contemporary of Bhima, king of Vidarbha and Nagnajit, 
king of Gandhara. The Andhakas and Vrishnis are 
referred to in the Ashtadhyai of Panini (IV. 1. 114; VI. 
2. 34). In Kautilya's Arthasastra (p. 12) the Vrishnis 
are described as a Sangha, i.e., a republican corporation. 
The Mahabharata, too, refers to the Vrishnis, Andhakas 
and other associate tribes as a Sangha (XII. 81. 25), and 
Vasudeva as a Sanghamukhya. The name of the Vrisbni 
corporation has been preserved by a unique coin (Majum- 
dar, Corporate Life in Ancient India, p. ] 19). It is stated 
in the Mahabharata and the Puranas that Kamsa, like 
Peisistratus and others of Greek history, tried to make 
himself tyrant at Mathura by overpowering the Yadavas, 
and that Krishna, a s:-ion of the Vrishni family, killed 
him. The slaying of Kamsa by Krishna is referred to by 
Patanjali aud the Ghata Jataka (No. 454). The latter 
work confirms the Hindu tradition about the association 
of Krislma-Vasudeva's family with Mathura (" Uttara 
Madhura"). 1 

The final overthrow of the Vrishnis is ascribed to 
their irreverent conduct towards Brahraanas (Mahabharata, 
Maushala Parva, I. 15-22 ; 2. 10 ; Arthasastra, p. 12 ; 
Jataka, IV., pp. 55-56, V., p. 138). It is interesting to 
note in this connection, that the Vrishnis and the Andha- 
kas are branded as Vratyas in the Drona Parva of the 
Mahabharata (141 15). 

The Buddhist texts refer to Avantiputta king of the 
Surasenas in the time of Maha Kachchana (M. 2. 83) who 

1 The question of the historical existence of Krishna V&sadeva hat beau 
discussed in my Early History of the VaishnaTa 8ect, pp. 26-36. 


was the first among the chief disciples of Sakyamuni 
through whose agency Buddhism gained ground in the 
Mathura region. The &urasenas continued to be a notable 
people up to the time of Megasthenes. But at that time 
they must have formed an -integral part of the Maurya 

Assaka was situated on the banks of the Godhavari 
(Sutta Nipata, 977), The name of the territory represents 
the Sanskrit As'maka. The Asmakas are mentioned 
by Panini (IV. 1. 173). As the grammarian refers to 
Dakshinatya (IV. 2. 98) and Kalinga (IV. 1. 178) his 
As'maka may be Assaka in the Deccan. It may however 
also denote the Asmakas in North-West India referred to 
by the Greek writers as the Assakenoi. 

The capital of Assaka was Potana or Potali 
(Chullakalinga Jataka No. 301; D. 2. 235). Prof. 
Bhandarkar points out (Carm. Lee, pp. 53-54) that in 
early Pali literature Assaka has, on the one hand, been 
distinguished from Mulaka which lay to its north, and on 
the other from Kaliiiga. He suggests that in later times 
Assaka seems to have included Mulaka, and also perhaps 
Kalinga. In the Sona-Nanda Jataka we find Assaka 
associated with Avanti ; this association can only be 
explained if we surmise that Assaka included at that 
time Mulaka and thus its territory abutted on Avanti. 

In the Vayu Purana (88. 177-178) Asmaka and 
Mulaka. appear as scions of the Ikshvaku family. This 
probably indicates that the As'maka and Mulaka kingdoms 
were believed to have been founded by Ikshvaku chiefs, 
just as Vidarbha and Dandaka were founded by princes 
of the Yadu (Bhoja) family. The Mahagovinda Suttanta 
mentions Brahmadatta king of the Assakas who was a 
contemporary of Sattabhu king of Kaliiiga, Vessabhu king 
of Avanti, Bharata king of Sovlra, Ren,u king of Videha, 
Dhatarattha king of Aiiga and Dhatarattha king of Kasi 


(Dialogues of the Buddha, Part II, p. 270). The Maha- 
bharata (I. 177. 47) refers to " Asmako nama Rajarshih 
Paudanyam yonyaves'ayat." Paudanyais evidently identi- 
cal with Potana or Potali. 

We learn from the Assaka Jataka (No. 207) that at 
one time the city of Potali was included in the kingdom 
of Kasi, and its prince Assaka was presumably a vassal 
of the Kasi monarch. The Chulla Kalinga Jataka mentions 
a king of Assaka named Aruna and his minister Nandisena, 
and refers to a victory which they won over the king of 

Avanti roughly corresponds to modern Malwa, Nimar 
and the adjoining parts of the Central Provinces. Prof. 
Bhandarkar points out that Avanti was divided into two 
parts : the northern part had its capital at Ujjain and the 
southern part called Avanti Dakshinapatha had its capital 
at Mahissat! or Mahis'mati, modern Mandhata on the 

The Mahagovinda Suttanta mentions Mahissat! as 
the capital of the Avantis, and refers to their king 
Vessabhu. The Mahabharata distinguishes between the 
kingdoms of Avanti and Mahis'mati, but locates Vinda 
and Anuvinda of Avanti near the Narmada (Narmada- 
mabhitah, II. 31. 10). 

The Puranas attribute the foundation of Mahis'mati, 
Avanti, and Vidarbha to scions of the Yadu family. The 
Aitareya Brahmana also associates the Satvats and the 
Bhojas, septs of the Yadu family according to the Puranas, 
with the southern realms (Matsya, 43-44 ; Vayu, 95-96 : 
Ait. Br. VIII. 14). 

The Puranas style the first dynasty of Mahis'mati 
as Haihaya (Matsya, 43. 8-29; Vayu, 94. 5-26). The 
Haihaya family is referred to by such an ancient authority 
as Kautilya (Arthas'astra, p. 11). The Haihayas are said to 
have overthrown the Nagas who must have been the 


aboriginal inhabitants of the Narmada region (cf. Nagpur). 
The Matsya Purana mentions five branches of the 
Haihayas namely Vitihotras, Bhojas, Avantis, Kunclikeras 
or Tundikeras and the Talajaiighas (43. 48-49). When the 
Vitihotras and Avantis passed away, a minister named 
Pulika is said to have killed his master and anointed his 
own son Pradyota by force in the very sight of the 
Kshatriyas. In the fourth century B.C., Avanti formed 
an integral part of the Magadhan Empire. 

The kingdom of Gandhara according to Jataka No. 
406 included Kas'mir as well as the Takshas'ila region. 
Takshasila, the capital city, lay 2,000 leagues from Benares 
(Telapatta Jataka No. 96 ; Susima Jataka No. 163). 

I he Puranas represent the Gandhara kings as the 
descendants of Druhyu (Matsya 48. 6 ; Vayu 99. 9). 
Druhyu and his people are mentioned several tiui9s in the 
Rig Veda. In the Vedic Index (I. 385) it is stated that 
"from the tribal grouping it is probable that the Druhyus 
were a north-western people." Thus the Puranic tradi- 
tion about the connection of the Gandharas with Druhyu 
accords with Vedic evidence. 

Takshasila is mentioned in the Mahabharata in con- 
nection with the story of king Janamejaya by whom it 
had been conquered. In the time of Nimi kinsr of Videha, 
Durmukha king of Paficbala, and Bhmia king of 
Vidarbha, the throne of Gandhara was occupied by 
Naggaji or Nagnajit (Kumbhakara Jataka ; Ait. Br. VII. 
34; Sat. Br. VIII. 1. 4. 10). We learn from the Kum- 
bhakara Jataka that his capital was Takshas'ila. The Jaina 
Uttaradhyayana Sutra mentions " Dvimukha " of Pancha- 
la, Nami of Videha, " Naggati " of Gandhara, and 
M Karakanxlu " of Kalinga, and says that " these bulls of 
kings have adopted the faith of the Jainas " (SBE, XLV, 
87). As Pars'va (777 B.C.) was the first historical Jina, 
Naggati or Nagnajit is probably to be placed between 


777 B.C. and 51,3 B.C. (the date of Pukkusati the Gan- 
dharian contemporary of Bimbisara). We do not, however, 
say that implicit reliance can l)e placed on a statement of 
the Uttaradhyayana. 

Nagnajit was succeeded by his son Svarjit (Sat. Br., 
VIII. 1. 4. 10). 

In the middle of the sixth century B.C. the throne of 
Gandhara was occupied by Pukkusati who is said to have 
sent an embassy and a letter to king Bimbisara of 
Magadha. In the latter half of the sixth century Gan- 
dhara was conquered by the king of Persia. In the Behis- 
tun inscription of Darius, cir. 516 B.C., the Gandharians 
(Gadara) appear among the subject peoples of the Achaeme- 
nian Empire (see k< Ancient Persian Lexicon and the Texts 
of the Achaemenidan Inscriptions " by Herbert Cushing 
Tolman, Vanderbilt Oriental Series, Vol. VI). 

Kamboja is constantly associated with Gandhara in 
literature and inscriptions (Mbh. XII. 207. 43 ; Anguttara 
N. I. 213; 4. 252, 256, 260 ; Rock Edict V of As'oka). 
Like Gandhara it is included in the Uttarapatha (of. Mbh. 
XII. 207. 43). It must therefore be located in some part 
of North-west India not far from Gandhara. Rhys 
Davids (Bud. Ind. 28) mentions its capital Dvaraka. 
We learn from a passage of the Mahabharata that a place 
called Rajapura was the home of the Kambojas (Mbh., 
VII. 4. 5, (i Kama Rajapuram gatva Kamboja nirjihl 
stvaya "). The association of the Kambojas with the 
Gandharas enables us to identify this Rajapura with the 
Rajapura of Hiuen Tsang (Watters, Yuan Chwang, 
Vol. I, p. 284), which lay to the south or south-east of 

The Vedic texts do not mention any king of Kamboja, 
But they refer to a teacher named Kamboja Aupam.m- 
yava (Vamsa Br.) who was probably connected with this 


In the Bhuridatta Jataka (No. 543) the Karabojas 
are credited with savage customs : 
ete hi dhamma anariyarupa 
Kambojakanam vitatha bahunnan ti. 

Jataka, VI. 208. 
These are your savage customs which I hate, 
Such as Kamboja hordes might emulate. 

CowelV 8 Jataka, VI. 110. 
This description of the Kambojas agrees wonderfully 
with Hiuen Tsang's account of Rajapura and the 
adjoining countries. "From Lampa to Rajapura the 
inhabitants are coarse and plain in personal appearance, of 
rude violent dispositions... they do not belong to India 
proper but are inferior peoples of frontier {i.e., barbarian) 

The Kambojas are known as Kambujiya in the old 
Persian inscriptions. In the Mahabharata the Kambojas 
are represented as living under a monarchical constitution 
{cf. II. 4. 22 ; V. 165. 1-3, etc.). Kautilya (p. 378) men- 
tions the Kshatriya sreni of Kamboja as an illustration 
of a " Vartasastropajivin " Sangha. 

The epic account of the Mahajanapadas : 
An interesting account of the characteristic of the 
peoples of most of the Mahajanapadas described above is 
to be found in the Kama Parva of the Mahabharata. 

The Pafichalas, Kurus, Matsyas, $urasenas and the 
Chedis receive unstinted praise : 

Kuravah saha Pafichal&h Salva Matsyah sa Naimishah 
Chedayas'cha mahabhaga dharmam jananti sasvatam 
Br&hmam Pafichalah Kauraveyastu dharmam 
Satyam Matsyah Surasenas'cha yajnam 
The Kauravas with the Pafichalas, the Salvas, the 
Matsyas, the Naimishas and the Chedis who are all highly 
blessed, know what the eternal religion is. 1 

» Mahftbhirata, VIII. 46. 14-16; 28 ; 34. 


The Panchalas observe the Vedas, the Kauravas 
observe Dharma, the Matsyas observe the truth, and the 
$urasenas perform sacrifices. 1 

The Magadhas are called comprehenders of signs ; 
while the Kosalas are represented as comprehending 
from what they see : 

Ingitajfiascha Magadhah prekshitajnascha Kosala^.' 
The Angas and the Gandharas come in for a good 
deal of condemnation : 

Aturanam parityaga sadarasutavikrayah 
Angeshu vartate Karna yeshamadhipatirbhavan. 
The abandonment of the afflicted and the sale of 
wives and children are, O Karna, prevalent among the 
Angas whose king thou art. 2 

Madrakeshu cha sarhsrishtaih saucham Gandhara- 

Itajayajakayajyecha nashtam dattam havirbhavet. 
Amongst the Madrakas all acts of friendship are 
lost as purity among the Gandharakas, and the libations 
poured in a sacrifice in which the king is himself the 
sacrificer and priest. 2 

The verses quoted above give a fair idea of the atti- 
tude of a poet of the "Western part of the Madhyadesa 
towards most of the Mahajanapadas of Northern India. 

The Fall of Kasi and the Ascendancy of Kosala. 

The flourishing period of many of the sixteen Maha- 
janapadas ended in or about the sixth century B.C. The 
history of the succeeding period is the story of the 
absorption of the states into a number of powerful king- 
doms, and ultimately into one empire, namely, the empire 
of Magadha. 

1 Mabftbhfirata, VIII. 46. 14-10 ; 28 ; 34. 
1 Ibid, 45. 40 ; 40. 29. 


Kasi was probably the first to fall. The Mahavagga 
and the Jatakas refer to bitter struggles between Kasi 
and her neighbours, specially Kosala. The facts of the 
struggle are obscure, being wrapped up in legendary 
matter from which it is impossible to disentangle them. 
The Kasis seem to have been successful at first, but the 
Kosalas were the gainers in the end. 

In the Mahavagga (SBE, XVII. 294-99) and the 
Kosambi Jataka (No. 428) it is stated thad Brahmadatta, 
king of Kasi, robbed Dighati, king of Kosala, of his king- 
dom, and put him to death. In the Kunala Jataka (No. 
536) it is stated that Brahmadatta, king of Kasi, owing 
to his having an army, seized on the kingdom of 
Kosala, slew its king, and carried off his chief queen 
to Benares, and there made her his consort. The 
Brahachatta Jataka (No. 336) and the Sona-Nanda Jataka 
(No. 532) also refer to the victories of Kasi kings over 

Success however did not remain long with the Kasis 
(cf. Jataka No. 100). In the Mahasilava Jataka (No. 51) 
king Mahasilava of Kasi is said to have been deprived of 
his realm by the king of Kosala. In the Ghata Jataka 
(No. 355) and the Ekaraja Jataka (No. 303) Vanka and 
Dabbasena, kings of Kosala, are said to have won for their 
kingdom a decided preponderance over Kasi. The final 
conquest of the latter kingdom was probably the work of 
Kamsa, as the epithet " Baranasiggaho," i.e., conqueror 
of Benares, is a standing addition to his name (the Seyya 
Jataka No. 282 and the Tesakuna Jataka No. 521, 
Buddhist India, p. 25). The interval of time between 
Kamsa's conquest of Kasi and the rise of Buddhism could 
not have been very long because the memory of Kasi as 
an independent kingdom was still fresh in the minds of 
the people in Buddha's time, and even later when the 
Afi-guttara Nikaya was composed. 


In the time of Mahakosala (sixth century B.C.) 
Kasi formed an integral part of the Kosalan monarchy. 
When Mahakosala married his daughter, the lady 
Kosaladevi, to kin< Bimbisara of Magadha, he gave a 
village of Kasi producing a revenue of a hundred 
thousand for bath and perfume money (Ilarita Mata Jataka 
No. 239; Vaddhaki Sukara Jataka No. 283). 

In the time of Mahakosala's son and successor 
Pasenadi or Prasenajit Kasi still formed a part of the 
Kosalan empire. In the Lohichcha Sutta (Dialogues of 
the Buddha, Part I, 288-97) Buddha asks a person named 
Lohichcha the following questions : " Now what think 
you Lohichcha ? Is not king Pasenadi of Kosala in 
possession of Kasi and Kosala ?" Lohichcha replies " Yes 
that is so Gotama." We learn from the Mahavagga 
(SBE, XVII. 195) that the Viceroy of Kasi was a 
brother of Pasenadi. 

The Samyukta Nikaya (the Book of the Kindred 
Sayings, translated by Mrs. Rhys Davids, p. 100) men- 
tions Pasenadi as the head of a group of five Rajas. One 
of these was probably his brother who was the Viceroy of 
Kasi. Among the remaining Rajas we should include 
Hiranyanabha Kausalya who, as we have seen, was a 
contemporary of Sukesa Bharadvaja and Asvalayana 
and consequently of Buddha and Pasenadi, if our 
identification of Asvalayana Kausalya with Assalayana 
of Savatthi mentioned in the Majjhima Nikaya be 

Another Raja of the group was probably the Sakya 
chief of Kapilavastu. Prom the introductory portion of 
the Bhaddasala Jataka (No. 465) we learn that the Sakya 
territory was subordinate to the Kosalan monarch. The 
inclusion of the Sakya territory, the birthplace of Buddha, 
within the Kosalan empire is also proved by the Sutta 
Eipata (SBE, X, Part II, pp. 68-69) and the Majjhima 


Nikaya, Vol. II, p. 124, which describe Buddha and his 
people as Kosalans. 

It was probably during the reign of Mahakosala, that 
Bimbisara ascended the throne of Magadha. The Maha- 
vaihs'a (Geiger's Translation, p. 12) tells us that " The 
virtuous Bimbisara was fifteen years old when he was 
anointed king by his own father." With the coronation 
of Bimbisara ends the period with which this chapter deals. 


We have given the outlines of the political history of 
India from the accession of Parikshit to the coronation of 
Bimbisara. We have seen that during the major part of 
this period the prevailing form of Government was 
monarchical. No political history of this age is complete 
unless we know something about the rank and status of the 
monarcbs in the different parts of India, their caste, the 
methods of their selection and consecration, the chief 
members of their households, and their civil and military 
services, the checks on their authority, etc. 

The different kinds of rulerships prevalent in differ- 
ent parts of India are thus described in the Aitareya 
Brahmana. 1 

Etasyarii Prachyarii disi ye ke cha Prachyanjim 
rajanah Samrajyayaiva te'bhishichyantc Samrali- 
tyenanabhishiktanachakshata etameva Devanam 

Etasyarii dakshinasya dis'i ye ke cha Satvatarii Kajano 
Bhaujyayaiva te'bhishichyante Bhojetyenanabhishi- 
ktanachakshata etameva Devanarh vihitimanu. 
Etasyarii Pratichyarii dis'i ye ke cliA Ntehya- 
narh Rajano ye'pachyanam Svarajyayaiva te' 

1 VIII 14. 


bhishichyante Svaralityenanabhishiktanachakshata 
etameva Devanaiii vihitimanu. 

Etasyarii Udichyam disi ye ke cha parena Himava- 
ntaih Janapada Uttara Kurava Uttara Madrii iti 
Vairajyayaiva te' bhishichyante Viriilityenana 
bhishiktanachakshata etameva Devanaiii vihitimanu 
Etasyarii dhruvayaih Madhyamayariipratishthayi m 
disi ye ke cha Kuril Paiichalanarii Rajanah sa Vas'os'- 
Inaranarii Rajyayaiva te'bhishichyante Rajetyena- 
nabhishiktanachakshata etameva Devanaiii vihiti- 
Several scholars assert that Vairajya means a kingless 
state. But in the Aitareya Brahmana ■ a king consecra- 
ted with Indra's great unction is called Virat and worthy 
of Vairajya. When a king consecrated with the Punar.i- 
bhisheka ascends his Asandt or throne, he prays for 
attaining Vairajya as well as other kinds of royal dignity. 
Sayana takes the word Vairajyaih to mean " itarebhyo 
bhupatibhyo vaisishtyam." It is also stated in the Sukra- 
niti (B.K. Sarkar's translation, p. 21) that the Virat was 
a superior kind of monarch. In the Mahabhiirata 
(XII. 43.11) Krishna is called Samrat, Virat, Syarat and 
Suraraja. Cf. XII., 68.54. 

It is not easy to decide whether all the terms Samrajya* 
Bhaujya, Svarajya, Vairajya and Rajya referred to essen- 
tially different forms of royal authority in the Brahmanic 
period. But two terms at least, namely, Samrajya and 
Rajya are clearly distinguished by the &atapatha 
Brahmana 2 and also the Katy&yana Srauta Sutra. 3 

Raja vai Rajasuyeneshtva bhavati, Samrad Vajape- 
yenavararhhi Rajyarii pararii Samrajyarii kamayeta vai 
Raja Samrad bhavitum avarariihi rajyarii paramsaiii- 
rajyarh. 4 

1 VIII. 17. ■ V. 1. 1. 18, > 1. l. ~*. ' 8»i. Br. V. l. l. 13. 



" By offering the Rajasuya he becomes Raja and by 
the Vajapeya he becomes Samraj ; and the office of Rajan 
is the lower and that of Samraj the higher ; a Rajan 
might indeed wish to become Samraj, for the office of 
Rajan is the lower and that of Samraj the higher ; but 
the Samrajas would not wish to become Rajas for the 
office of Rajan is the lower, and that of Samraj the 

If the Puranas are to be believed Bhoja was originally 
a proper name. But afterwards it came to denote a 
class of Southern kings. The word Caesar furnishes an 
exact parallel. Originally it was the name of a Roman 
dictator. But afterwards it was a title assumed bv Roman 

In some Vedic texts ' Svarajya means uncontrolled 
dominion, and is opposed to Rajya. 2 

The king was usually, though not always, a Kshatriya. 
The Brahmanas were considered to be unsuited for King- 
ship. Thus we read in the Satapatha Brahmana " to the 
king (Rajan) doubtless belongs the Rajasuya ; for by 
offering the Rajasuya he becomes king, and unsuited for 
kingship is the Brahmana." 3 

We have, however, references to &udra and Ayogava 
kings in the Vedic texts. King Janasruti Pautrayana is 
called a &udra in the Chhandogya Upanishad. 4 King 
Marutta Avikshita is styled " Ayogava " in the Satapatha 
Brahman^. 5 Ayogava denotes a member of a mixed 
caste, a descendant of a Sudra by a Vais'ya wife. 6 The 
Jatakas refer to kings of several castes including Brahma- 
nas {cf. Jatakas 73, 432). 

Kingship was sometimes hereditary, as is indeed 
shown by several cases where the descent can be traced 

1 KSthaka SambitA, XIV. 5; Maitriynni Snmhit*, I. 11. 5. etc. 

■ Vedic Index, II. 221. • 8BE, XLI. Eggeling, Sat. Br., Part III, p. 4. 

• IV. 2. 1-5. • XIII. 6. 4. C i Mauusamhit*, X. 12. 


{cf. the Parikshitas and the kings of Janaka's line ; cf. also 
the expression Dasapurushamrajya — a kingdom of ten 
generations occurring in the Satapatha Brahmana XII. 9. 
3. 3), yet in others the monarchy was elective. The selec- 
tion was made sometimes by the people and sometimes 
by the ministers. The choice was sometimes limited to 
the members of the royal family only, as is shown by the 
legend in Yaska ' of the Kuru brothers Devapi and 
Santanu. In the Samvara Jataka (No. 162) the courtiers 
of a king asked the latter " when you are dead, my lord, 
to whom shall we give the white umbrella ? " " Friends," 
said the king, " all my sons have a right to the white 
umbrella. But you may give it to him that pleases your 

Sometimes the popular choice fell on persons who did 
not belong to the royal family. It is stated in the 
Padanjali Jataka, No. 247, that when a certain king of 
Benares died, his son Padanjali by name, an idle lazy 
loafer, was set aside, and the minister in charge of things 
spiritual and temporal was raised to the throne. The 
Sachchamkira Jataka, No. 73, tells a story how the 
nobles, Brahmanas and all classes slew their king and 
anointed a private citizen. Sometimes an outsider was 
chosen. The Darimukha Jataka (No. 378) and the Sonaka 
Jataka (No. 529) tell us how on failure of heir at Benares 
a Prince of Magadha was elected king. 

The king during the Brahmana period had four queens 
the Mahishi, the Parivrikti, the Vavata, and the P&lagali. 
The Mahisi was the chief wife, being the first one married 
according to the Satapatha Brahmana. 2 The Parivrikti 
was the neglected wife, probably one that had no son. The 
Vavata is the favourite, while the Palagali was, according to 
Weber, the daughter of the last of the court officials. 3 In 

• Nirukta, II. 10. Ved. Ind. II. 211. * VI. 5. 3. I. * Ved. lad., I. 478. 


the Jataka period several kings kept a fairly big harem. 
AVe are told in the Kusa Jataka, No. 531, that king Okkako 
had sixteen thousand wives among whom Silavati was the 
chief (aggamahesi). The ; king of Benares according to 
the Dasaratha Jataka, No. 461, had an equal number of 
wives. In the Suruchi Jataka, No. 489, a king of Mithila 
says . " Ours is a great kingdom, the city of Mithila covers 
seven leagues, the measure of the whole kingdom is 
300 leagues. Such a king should have sixteen-thousand 
women at the least." Sixteen thousand appears to have 
been a stock phrase. The number is evidently exag- 
gerated But it indicates that the kings of the Jataka 
period were extreme polygamists who frequently exceeded 
the Brahmanic number of four queens. 

The king was consecrated after his succession or 
election with an elaborate ritual which is described in 
several, and for which the Mantras are given 
in the Samhitas. Those who aided in the consecration of 
the king were called Rajakartri or llajakrit, " kingmaker.*' 
In the Satapatha Brahmana the persons meant and specified 
are the Suta (minstrel and chronicler or charioteer), and 
the Gramani, village chief. Prof. Radhakumud Mookerji 
observes 1 " It is apparent from the lists of persons 
aiding in the royal coronation that both official and non- 
official or popular elements were represented in the 
function." The principal ceremonies or sacrifices of 
royal inauguration were the Vajapeya, the Rajasuya, the 
Punarabhisheka and the Aindra Mahabhisheka. 

'I he Vajapeya bestowed on the performer a superior 
kind of kingship called " Samrajya," while the Rajasuya 
merely conferred the ordinary royal dignity. 2 The Punara- 
bhisekh made the king elect eligible for all sorts of royal 

1 Tho Fundamental Unity of India, p 88. 
' Rajya, cf. fiat. Br., V. 1. 1. 13. 


dignity, viz., Raj y a, Sam raj ya, Bhaujya, Svarajya, Vairajya, 
Parameshthya, Maharajya, Adhipatya, Svavasya and 
Atishthatva. 1 The object of Aindra Mahabhisekha is thus 
described : 

"Sa ya ichchhedevarhvit Kshatriyamayam sarva 
jitirjayetayam sarvamllokiin vindetayamsarveshamRajnam 
Sraishthyamatislitham paramatam gachchheta Samr&jyam, 
Bhaujyam, Svarajyam, Vairajyam, Parameshthyam, 
Raj yam, Maharajyam Adhipatyam ayam samantaparyayi 
syat Sarvabhaumah sarvayusha a'nktda pararddhat Pri- 
thivyai SamudraparyantayS ekaral iti tametena Aindrena 
M -ihabhishekena kshatriyam sapayitva'bhishinched." 

Ait. Br, VIII, 15. 

The Vajapeya rites include a chariot race, in which the 
sacrificer is allowed to carry off the palm, and from which, 
according to Eggeling, the ceremony perhaps derives its 
name. Professor Hillebrandt would claim for this feature 
of the sacrifice the character of a relic of an old national 
festival, a kind of Indian Olympic, games. After the 
chariot race the next interesting item is the mounting 
of the sacrificial post by the sacrificer and his wife, from 
which homage is made to the mother earth. The Satapatha 
Brahm ana says. "Truly he who gains a seat in the air 
gains a seat above others." 2 The royal sacrificer having 
descended from the post, is offered a throne-seat with a 
goatskin spread thereon and addressed by the Adhvaryu 
in the following words " thou art the ruler, the ruling 
lord — thou art firm and steadfast — (here I seat) thee for 
the tilling, for peaceful dwelling, for wealth, for pros- 
perity, i.e., for the welfare of the people, the common 
weal." 3 

The Rajasuya consisted of a long succession of sacri- 
ficial performances spread over a period of upwards of 

1 Ait. Br. VIII. 6. ■ Sat. Br. V. 2. 1. 22. 

s Sat. Br. V. L 1. 25 \ Tin' Fundamental Unity of India, p. 80. 


two years (SBE, XLI, p. xxvi). The rite is described at 
great length in the Satapatha Brahmana. 1 Besides much 
mere priestly elaboration, the ritual contains traces of 
popular ceremonial (Ved. Ind., II. 219). For example, 
the king is clothed in the ceremonial garments of his 
rank, and provided with bow and arrow as emblems 
of sovereignty. He performs a mimic cow raid against a 
relative of his ; J or engages in a show fight with a 
Rajanya. 3 A game of dice is played in which he is 
made to be the victim ; he symbolically ascends the 
quarters of the sky as an indication of his universal rule ; 
and steps on a tiger skin, thus gaining the strength and 
the pre-eminence of the tiger. A notable feature of the 
Rajasuya is the ceremony of the Ratna-havis or jewel 
offerings. The recipients of these sacrificial honours, the 
Ratninah, were the chief members of the royal household 
and of the king's civil and military service : viz. — 

1. The Senani (Commander of the army). 

2. The Purohita (Chaplain of the king). 

3. The Mahishi (Chief Queen). 

4. The Suta (Court Minstrel and Chronicler). 

5. The Gramani (Village Headman). 

6. The Kshattri (Chamberlain). 

7. The Samgrahitri (Treasurer). 

8. The Bhagadugha (Carver). 

9. The Akshavapa (Keeper of the Dice). 

10. The Go-vikartana (King's Companion in the 


11. The Palagala (Courier). 

The next essential part of the Rajasuya was the 
Abhisheka or besprinkling. It began with offerings to 
Savita Satyaprasava, Agni Grihapati, Soma Vanaspati, 

1 V. 2. 3. («t uq). ■ Sat. Br. V. 4, 3, 1 tt $eq. 

1 Cf. Taittirfya Samhita, I. 8. 15 with commentary 5 SBE. xli, 100, n. I. 


Brihaspati Vak, Indra Jyeshtha, Rudra Pasupati, Mitra 
Satya and Varuna Dharmapati. The consecration water 
(Abhishechaniya Apaji) was made up of seventeen kinds 
including the water of the Sarasvatl, Sea-water, and 
water from a whirlpool, a pond, a well and dew. The 
sprinkling was performed by a Brahmana, a kinsman or 
brother of the king elect, a friendly Rajanya and a 

The two most important kinds of Abhisheka were the 
Punarabhisheka and the Aindra Mahabhisheka. 

The Punarabhisheka or Second Coronation is described 
in the Aitareya Brahmana, VIII. 5-11. It was intended 
for Kshatriya conquering monarchs. The first interesting 
part of the ceremony was the king's ascent to the throne 
or Asandi which was made of Udumbara wood with the 
exception of the interwoven part (Vivayana) which 
consisted of Munja grass. Then came the besprink- 
ling. Among other things the priest said " Rajnarii 
tvam Adhirajo bhaveha; Mahantam tva mahinam 
Samrajam charshaninam. 1 The king was next required 
to get down from the throne and make obeisance to the 
Brahmanas " Brahmana eva tat Kshatram vasa meti tad 
yatra vai Brahmanah kshatram vasameti tad rashtram 
samriddharh tadviravada hasmin viro jayate " (Ait. Br., 
VIII. 9). Here there is ample provision for the preven- 
tion of royal absolutism. 

Janamejaya, the son of Parikshit, was evidently 
consecrated with the Punarabhisheka (Ait. Br. VIII. 11). 

The Aindra Mahabhisheka or Indra's great unction 
consisted of three important ceremonies, viz. : 

1. Arohana (Ascending the throne). 

2. Utkrosana (Singing the king's praise). 

3. Abhimantrana (repetition of special formulas or 

1 Ait. Br. VIII. 7. 


The following kings are said to have been consecrated 
with the Aindra Mahabbisheka : Janamejaya, Saryata, 
Satanlka, Ambashthya, Yudhamsraushti, VisVakarma, 
Sudas, Marutta, Anga and Bharata (Ait. Br. VIII. 21-23). 
The first-mentioned king, and probably the third, fourth, 
fifth and ninth also belonged to the Post-Parikshit period.' 

Powerful kings and princes performed another im- 
portant sacrifice called the Asvamedha. The Apastamba 
Srauta Sutra (XX. i. 1) says that a Sarvabhauma Raja 
may perform the Asvamedha. Among the kings and 
princes who performed the Asvamedha were Janamejaya, 
his brothers Bhimasena, Ugrasena, and ^rutasena, and 
Para Atnara, king of Kosala. 

Kingship during the Parikshita-Janaka period was 
not merely a " Patriarchal Presidency." The monarch 
was not merely a " chief noble," " the first among equals," 
* President of a Council of Peers." In several Vedic texts 
he is represented as the master of his people. He claimed 
the power of giving his kingdom away to anybody he 
liked, and taxing the people as much as he liked. In the 
Brihadaranyaka Upanishad Janaka says to Yajnavalkva 
11 So'ham Bhagavate Videhan dadami manchapi saha 
dasyayeti" (Brih. Up:, IV. 4. 23). The king is called 
" Visvasya bhutasya adhipati " and is further described 
as the devourer of the people — Visamatta (Ait. Br. VIII. 
17). " Raja ta ekarh mukham tena mukhena Vis'o'tsi " 
(Kaush. Up., II. 6). 

The king, however, was not an absolute despot in 
practice. His power was checked, in the first place, by 

1 Satanika defeated l>lintanl>-litia of Kasi who, according to the Mahitgovinda 
Suttnnta, was a contempornry of Sattubhu of Kalihga and Hrahmailatta of Assaka. 
As the Dcccan kingdoms ore not referred to in prc-1'urikshita -works, it is probable 
that SatSnlka and his contemporaries flourished aftor 1'arikshit. AmbAshthya and 
Yudhamsraushti were eontemi>oraries of Parvata and Narada who were very near 
in time to Nagnajit the contemporary of Nitni the penultimate king of Yidelia. 
Anga was probably the immediate predecessor of Dadhivahana who, according to" 
Jaina evidence, flourished in the 6th century H.C. 


the Brahmanas. We have seen that the most powerful 
sovereigns, even those who were consecrated with the 
Punarabhisheka, had to descend from the throne and 
make obeisance to the Brahmanas who formed the higher 
educated community of those days. We learn from the 
Aitareya Brahmana (VII. 27) and Kautilya's Arthasastra 
(Ed. 1919, p. 11) that even a powerful king like Janame- 
jaya was humbled by the Brahmanas. The Vrishnis 
perished on account of their irreverent conduct towards 
Brahmanas. This shows that not only the kings, but the 
republican corporations (Sangha) too, had to cultivate 
friendly relations with the Brahmanas. 

The second check was supplied by the ministers and 
village headmen who aided in the consecration of the 
king and whom the king consulted regularly. In the 
Vedic texts the Suta and the GramanA are styled Raja- 
kartri or Rajakrit, i.e., " King-maker" (Sat. Br., III. 4. 1. 7 ; 
XIII. 2. 2. 18). The very title indicates their importance 
in the body politic. They, as well as the other ratnins. 
figure prominently in the sacrifice of royal inauguration. 

The claim of the ministers and village headmen to 
be consulted was certainly recognised by the kings down 
to the time of Bimbisara. The Mahavagga says (SBE, 
XVII. 304) "King Brahmadatta of Kasi, O Bhikkhus, 
having entered Benares, convoked his ministers and 
counsellors and said to them : • If you should see, my good 
sirs, young Dighavu, the son of king Dighiti of Kosala, 
what would you do to him ? ' " The Maha assaroha 
Jataka (No. 302) refers to a king who by beat of drum 
through the city gathered together his councillors. In 
the Mahavagga we find the following passage (SBE, XVII, 
p. 1) " Now when Seniya Bimbisara, the king of Magadha, 
was holding an assembly of the eighty thousand Gr^mikas 
he sent message to Sona Kolivisa." The Chulla-Sutasoma 
Jataka also refers to the eighty thousand councillors of a 


king headed by his general. These were asked to elect a 
king (Cowell's Jataka, V, p. 07). The king-making power 
of the councillors is recognised also in the Padanjali and 
Sonaka Jatakas. 

Another check was supplied by the general body of 
the people (Janah) who were distinct from the ministers 
and Gramanis or Gramikas, and who used to meet in an 
assembly styled Samiti or Parishad in the Upanishads. 
In the Utkros'ana passage of the Aitareya Brahmana 
(VIII. 17) the people (Janah) are clearly distinguished 
from the Rajakartarah among whom, according to the 
gatapatha Brahmana (III. 4. 1. 7 ; XIII. 2. 2. 18) were 
included the Suta and the Gramani. That the Samiti or 
Parishad was an assembly of the Janah, i.e., the whole 
people, is apparent from such expressions as " Panchala- 
nam Samitimeyaya," " Panchalanam Parishadamajagama." 
The Chhandogya Upanishad (V. 3. 1) mentions the Samiti 
of the Panchala people presided over by king Pravahana 
Jaivali, " Svetaketurharuneyah Panchalanam Samiti- 
meyaya; tarn ha Pravahano Jaivaliruvacha." The Briha- 
daranyaka Upanishad (VI. 2. 1) uses the term Parishad 
instead of Samiti " Svetaketurhava Aruneyah Panchala- 
nam Parishadamajagama." The people took part in the 
ceremony of royal inauguration (Ait. Br. VIII. 17). 
The Dummedha Jataka (No. 50) refers to a joint assembly 
of ministers, Brahmanas, the gentry, and the other orders 
of the people. 

That the people actually put a curb on royal abso- 
lutism is proved by the testimony of the Atharva Veda 
(VI. 88. 3) where it is stated that concord between king 
and assembly was essential for the former's prosperity. 
We have evidence that the people sometimes expelled 
and even executed their princes together with unpopular 
officials. Thus it is stated in the Satapatha Brahman* 
(XII. 9. 3. 1 et seq. ; Eggcling, V., 2C9) " Now Dushtarltu 


Paumsayana had been expelled from the kingdom which 
had come to him through ten generations and the Srinjayas 
also expelled Revottaras Patava Chakra Sthapati." The 
Aitareya Brahmana (VIII. 10) refers to personages who 
were expelled from their rashtras and who were anxious to 
recover them with the help of the Kshatriya consecrated 
with the Punarabhisheka. Such persons were the Indian 
counterparts of the French " emigrants " who sought to 
reclaim revolutionary France with the help of the troops 
of the Hapsburgs and the Hohenzollerns (of. Lodge, 
Modern Europe, p. 517). We learn from the Vessantara 
Jataka that the king of Sivi was compelled to banish 
prince Vessantara in obedience to " the people's sentence." 

The king was told : 

The bidding of the Sivi folk if you refuse to do 

'I he people then will act, methinks, against your son 

and you. 
The king replied : 

Behold the people's will, and I that will do not gainsay. 

The Padakusalamanava Jataka (No. 432) tells 'a story 
how the town and country folk of a kingdom assembled, 
beat the king and priest to death as they were guilty of 
theft, and anointed a good man king. A. similar story is 
told in the Sachchariikira Jataka (No. 73). We are told in 
the Khandahala Jataka that the people of one kingdom 
killed the minister, deposed the king, made him an outcast 
and anointed a prince as king. The ex-king was not 
allowed to enter into the capital city. Prof. Bhandarkar 
points out that in the Telapatta Jataka a king of Takshas'ila 
says that he has no power over the subjects of his king- 
dom. This is in striking contrast with the utterance of 
Janaka quoted above (" Bhagavate Videhan dadami," etc.). 
Evidently the royal power had declined appreciably, at 
least in the North-west, since the days of Janaka. 


The more important attributes of kingship are 
referred to in the " Utkrosana " passage of the Aitareya 
Brahmana (VIII. 17). The monarch is there described 
as " Visvasya bhutasya adhipati," i.e., sovereign lord of 
all beings. " Visamatta," i.e.; devourer of the people, 
" Amitranam hanta," i.e., destroyer of enemies, " Brah- 
mananam Gopta," i.e., protector of the Brahmanas, 
" Dharmasya Gopta," i.e., protector of the laws. 

In the expressions quoted above we have reference 
to the king's sovereignty and Imperium, his power of 
taxation, his military functions, his relations with the 
Hierarchy, and his judicial duties. 



From the Coronation of Bimbisara to the 
Extinction of the Gupta Dynasty, 

The following pages deal with the political history of 
India from the time of Bimbisara to that of the Guptas. 

For the period from Bimbisara to As'oka I cannot 
claim much originality. The subject has been treated by 
Professor Rhys Davids and Dr. Smith, and a flood of new 
light has been thrown on the history of particular dynas- 
ties by Professors Geiger, Bhandarkar, Rapson, Jayaswal 
and others. I have made use of the information con- 
tained in their works, and have supplemented it with 
fresh data gathered mainly from epical and Jaina sources. 
I have also tried to present old materials in a new shape, 
and my conclusions are not unoften different from those 
of previous writers. 

In the chapter on the Later Mauryas I have examined 
the causes of the dismemberment of the Maurya Empire, 
and have tried to demonstrate the unsoundness of the 
current theory that " the fall of the Maurya authority 
was due in large measure to a reaction promoted by the 
Brahmans." 1 

My treatment of the history of the Early Post- 
Mauryan and Scythian periods, though not entirely 

1 Tho chapter on the Lator Mauryas was published in the J.A.S.B. 1920. 



original, is different in many respects from that of previous 
writers. I have not been able to accept the current 
views with regard to the history and chronology of several 
dynasties, notably of the Early Satavahanas, the Greeks of 
$akala, and the &\ka-Palhavas of the Uttarapatha. 

In my account of the Gupta period I have made 
use of the mass of fresh materials accumulated since the 
publication of the works of Fleet, Smith and Allan. The 
relations of Samudragupta with the Vakatakas have been 
discussed, and an attempt has been made to present a 
connected history of the later Guptas. 1 

1 The chapter on the Later Guptas was published in the JASB, 1920. 


1. The Age of Bimbisara. 

Under the vigorous kings of the race of Bimbisara 
and Nanda, Magadha played the same part in ancient 
Indian history which Wessex played in the history of 
Pre-Norman England, and Prussia in the history of 
modern Germany. 

The founder of the Magadhan imperial power was 
Bimbisara or &renika (called also Seniya Bimbisara) son 
of Bhattiya. The Mahavamsa (Geiger's translation, p. 12) 
tells us that " the virtuous Bimbisara was fifteen years 
old when he was anointed king by his own father... two 
and fifty years he reigned." We learn from the Sutta 
Nipata (SBE, X. II, 67) that Bimbisara's capital was at 
Rajagaha or Rajagriha, " the Giribbaja in Magadha." 

The early Buddhist texts throw a flood of light on the 
political condition of India in the time of Bimbisara. There 
were, as Prof. Rhys Davids observes, " besides a still survi- 
ving number of small aristocratic republics four kingdoms 
of considerable extent and power." In addition to these 
there were a number of smaller kingdoms, and some non- 
Aryan principalities. The most important amongst the 
republics were the Vajjians of Vaisali and the Mallas of 
Kusinara and Pava. 1 An account of both these peoples 
has already been given. Among the smaller republics 
Rhys Davids mentions the 8akyas of Kapilavastu, 2 the 
Koliyas of Ramagama, the Bhaggas of Sumsumara llill, 
the Bulis of Allakappa, the Kalamas of Kesaputta, and 
the Moriyas of Pipphalivana. 

1 Twelve miles from Kusinuii (Cunningham, AGI, p. 434). 

1 Piprftwft in the north of the Bastt district ; or Tilaura Kot in the TarSi 
(Smith, BHI, p. 159). 


The Sakyas, as we have already seen, acknowledged 
the suzerainty of the king of Kosala. The Koliyas were 
their neighbours. The introductory portion of the Kunala 
Jataka says that the 6akya and Koliya tribes had the 
river E-ohini } which flows between Kapilavastu and the 
Capital of the Koliyas confined by a single dam and by 
means of it cultivated their crops. Once upon a time in the 
month Jetthamula when the crops began to flag and 
droop, the labourers from amongst the dwellers of both 
cities assembled together. Then followed a scramble for 
water. Prom the mutual recriminations which ensued 
we learn that the &akyas had the custom of marrying 
their own sisters. In the Tirthajatra section of the 
Vanaparva of the Mahabharata (III. 84. 31) mention 
is made of a place called Kapilavata. It is not altogether 
improbable that we have here a Brahmanical reference 
to the capital of the $akyas. 

The Bhagga state was a dependency of the Vatsa 
kingdom ; for we learn from the preface to the Dhona- 
sakha Jataka, No. 353, that prince Bodhi, the son of 
Udayana king of the Vatsas, dwelt in Sumsumaragiri 
and built a palace called Kokanada. The Mahabharata 
and the Harivamsa also testify to the close connection 
between the Vatsas and the Bhargas (Bhaggas) : 

Vatsabhumincha Kaunteyo vijigye balavan balat. 

Bharganamadhipanchaiva Nishadadhipatim tatha 
(MBh. II. 30. 10-11). 

Pratardanasya putrau dvau Vatsa Bhargau babhu- 
vatuh {Hariv. 29. 73). 

Regarding the Bulis and the Kalamas we know very 
little. The name of the Kalama capital, Kesaputta, 
reminds us of the Kesins, a people mentioned in the 
Satapatha Brahmana (Ved. Ind., Vol. I, p. 186) and pro- 
bably also in the Ashtadhyayi of Panini (VI. 4, 165). 

1 A tributary of the Rfiptl (Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 96). 


The Moriyas were undoubtedly the same clan which 
gave Magadha its greatest dynasty (cf. Geiger, Maha- 
variisa, p. 27). ' Pipphalivana, the Moriya Capital, is 
apparently identical with the Nyagrodhavana or Banyan 
Grove, mentioned by Hiuen Tsang, where stood the 
famous Embers Tope (Rhys Davids, Buddhist Suttas, p. 
135 ; Watters Yuan Chwang, II, pp. 23-21 ; Cunningham, 
AGI, pp. 429, 4.33). Fa Hien tells us that the Tope lay 
twelve Yojanas to the west of Kusinara (Legge, Fa Hien, 
p. 70). 

Among the smaller kingdoms may be mentioned 
Gandhara ruled by Pukkusati, Roruka ruled by Rudra- 
yana (Divyavadana, p. 545), Surasena ruled by Avanti- 
putta, and Anga ruled by Brahmadatta. 

The most famous amongst the non-Aryan principali- 
ties was the realm of the Yakkha Alavaka (Sutta Nipata, 
SBE., X, II, 29-30). The realm of Alavaka was situated 
near the Ganges and had Alavi (Sutta Nipata ; the Book 
of the Kindred Sayings, p. 275) for its capital. Alavi 
seems to be identical with the town of Alabhiya men- 
tioned in the Uvasagadasao (II, p. 103 ; Appendix, pp. 
51-53). Near the city there was a large forest (cf. The 
Book of the Kindred Sayings, p. 160). According to 
Hoernle the name of the kingdom represents the Sanskrit 
Atavi which means a forest. — The same scholar points 
out that in the Abhidhanappadipika Alavi is mentioned 
in a list of twenty names of cities including Baranasi, 
Savatthi, Vesall, Mithila, Alavi, Kosambhi, Ujjeni, Takka- 
sila, Champa, Sagala, Sumsumaragira, Rajagaha, Kapila- 
vatthu, Saketa, Indapatta, Ukkattha, Pataliputtaka, 
Jettuttara, Samkassa, and Kusinara. 

In the Uvasagadasao the king of Alabhiya is named 

Jiyasattu. But Jiyasattu seems to have been a common 


1 " Then did the Brfihmana Canakka anoint a glorious yonth, known by the 
name Candagatta, as king over all Jarabndipa, born of a noble clan, the Moriyas." 


designation of kings like the epithet Devanampiya of a 
later age. The name Jiyasattu. is given also to the rulers 
of Savatthi, Kampilla, Mithila, Champa,Vaniyagama Bara- 
nasl and Polasapura (of. Hoernle Uvasagadasao, II, pp. 
6, 64, 100, 103, 106, 118, 166). 

Buddhist writers refer to other Yakkha principalities 
besides Alavaka (cf. Sutta Nipata, SBE, Vol. X, II, p. 45). 

The most important factors in the political history of 
the period were, however, neither the republics nor the 
Yakkha principalities, but the four great kingdoms of 
Kosala, Vatsa, Avanti and Magadha. 

In Kosala king Mahakosala had been succeeded by his 
son Pasenadi or Prasenajit. The new king preserved un- 
impaired the extensive heritage received from his father, 
and ruled Kasi and Kosala. He also exercised suzerainty 
over the &akya territory. "We have already seen that the 
Samyutta Nikaya refers to him as the head of a group of 
five Rajas, "on one occasion when the Exalted One was 
at Savatthi, five Rajas the Pasenadi being the chief 
among them, were indulging in various forms of amuse- 

In her interesting article " Sage and King in Kosala- 
Samyutta," Mrs. Rhys Davids admirably sums up the 
character of Pasenadi, " He is shown combining like so 
many of his class all the world over, a proneness to affairs 
of sex with the virtues and affection of a good ' family 
man,' indulgence at the table with an equally natural 
wish to keep in good physical form, a sense of honour and 
honesty, shown in his disgust at legal cheating, with a 
greed for acquiring wealth and war indemnities, and a 
fussiness over lost property, a magnanimity towards a 
conquered foe with a callousness over sacrificial slaugh- 
ter and the punishment of criminals. Characteristic also 
is both his superstitious nervousness over the sinister signi- 
ficance of dreams due, in reality, to disordered appetites, 


and also his shrewd, politic care to be on good terms with 
all religious orders, whether he had testimonials to their 
genuineness or not " (Bhandarkar Commemoration 
Volume, p. 134). 

We learn from the Ambattha and Lohichcha Suttas 
(Dialogues, I, pp. 108, 288) that Pasenadi was a patron of 
the Brahmanas, and gave them spots on royal domains 
with power over them as if they were kings. He was also 
a friend of the Buddha and his followers, and made monas- 
teries for their habitation (Gagga Jataka, No. 155). 

He had many queens, e.g., Mallika, daughter of 
the chief of garland makers in Savatthi, and Vasabha 
Khattiya born to a $akya named Mahanaman from a 
slave woman. He had a daughter called Vajira or Vajlrl 
Kumari (Majjhima, II, p. 110) and a son named Vidudabha 
whose mother was Vasabha Khattiya. Prince Vidudabha 
at first appears to have served as his father's Senapati or 
General. Afterwards he succeeded to the throne and 
perpetrated a ferocious massacre of the Sakyas. 

Hoernle in the Uvasagadasao (II, Appendix, p. 56) 
refers to Mrigadhara, who is said to have been the first 
minister of Prasenajit or Pasenadi. Prof. Bhandarkar 
refers to another minister called Siri-Vaddha. Another 
important official was Digha Charayana (Majjhima N. II, 
p. 118). He is probably identical with Dlrgha Charayana 
mentioned by Kautilya as an author of a treatise on kingly 
duties, and by Vatsyayana as an author of the science of 
Erotics. His uncle Bandhula was a general. 

The Buddhist texts throw some light on the foreign 
and internal affairs of Pasenadi's reign. The Majjhima 
Nikaya (II, p. 101) tells us that the Kosalan monarch was 
on friendly^terms with Seniya Bimbisara and the Visalika 
Lichchhavl. But he was much troubled by robbers like 
Angulimalo. We read in the Mahavagga (SBE, XIII, p. 
220) that certain ]«Bikkhus travelling on the road from 


Saketa to Savatthi were killed by robbers. Then the 
king's soldiers came and caught some of the ruffians. In 
another passage (p. 261) of the Mahavagga it is stated that 
a residence of the Bikkhus in the Kosala country was 
menaced by savages. 

In the Vatsa kingdom king Satanika Parantapa was 
succeeded by his son Udayana who is the hero of many 
Indian legends. The commentary of the Dhammapada 
gives the story of the way in which Vasuladatta or Vasa- 
vadatta, the daughter of Pradyota, king of Avanti, became 
his wife. In the preface to the Matanga Jataka it is 
related that in a fit of drunken rage he had Pindola tortur- 
ed by having a nest of ants tied to him. The Kathasarit- 
sagara of Somadeva a writer of the eleventh century A. D. 
contains a long account of Udayana's Digvijaya (Tawney's 
Translations, Vol. I, p. 148 ff). But it is difficult to decide 
how much of it is folklore and how much sober history. 
The Priyadarsika of Srlharsha (Act IV) speaks of a king 
of Anga named Dridhavarman being restored by Udayana. 

"We have already referred to Vasavadatta, the chief 
queen of Udayana. The Svapna- Vasavadatta of Bhasa 
mentions another queen named Padmavati who is . repre- 
sented as sister to king Darsaka of Magadha. Prof. Bhan- 
darkar mentions a queen named Magandiya, and Rhys 
Davids refers to one named Samavati (Bud. Ind., p. 7). 
The Ratnavall tells the story of the love of the king of 
Vatsa and of Sagarika an attendant of his queen Vasava- 
datta. Stories about Udayana were widely current in 
Avanti in the time of Kalidasa (cf. Meghaduta, " prapya- 
vantim Udayana katha kovida gramavriddhan "). It is 
difficult to disentangle the kernel of historical truth from 
the husk of popular fables. It seems that Udayana was 
a great king who really made some conquests, and contract- 
ed matrimonial alliances with the royal houses of Avauti 
and JMagadha. 


The throne of Avanti was at this time occupied by 
Chanda Pradyota Mahasena who had two sons named 
Gopalaka and Palaka, and a daughter named Vasavadatta, 
the queen of Udayana. Regarding the character of 
Pradyota the Mahavagga says that he was cruel (SBE, 
XVII, p. 187). The Puranas say that he was " nayavar- 
jita," i. e., destitute of good policy. The same authorities 
observe that " he will indeed have the neighbouring kings 
subject to him — Sa vai pranata samantah." That he was 
a king feared by his neighbours is apparent from a state- 
ment of the Majjhima Nikaya (III. 7) that Ajatasatru, 
son of Bimbisara, fortified Rajagriha because he was 
afraid of an invasion of his territories by Pradyota. 

Magadha, as we have already seen, was ruled by 
Bimbisara himself. He maintained friendly relations 
with his northern and western neighbours. He received 
an embassy and a letter from Pukkusati, the king of 
Gandhara. When Pradyota was suffering from jaundice 
the Magadha king sent the physician Jivaka. He con- 
tracted matrimonial alliances with the ruling families of 
Kosala and Vaisali. These marriages are of great im- 
portance for the history of Magadha. They paved the way 
for the expansion of Magadha both westward and north- 
ward. Bimbisara's Kosalan wife brought a Kasi village 
producing a revenue of a hundred thousand for bath and 
perfume money (Jataka Nos. 239, 283, 492). According 
to the Thusa Jataka (No. 338) and Musika Jataka (No. 373) 
the Kosalan princess was the mother of Ajatasatru. The 
preface to the Jatakas says " At the time of his (Ajata- 
satru's) conception there arose in his mother, the daughter 
of the king of Kosala, a chronic longing to drink blood 
from the right knee of king Bimbisara." In the Samyukta 
Nikaya (The Book of the Kindred Sayings, p. 110) Pase- 
nadi of Kosala calls Ajatasatru his nephew. On page 38 
of the Book of the Kindred Sayings Madda appears as the 



name of Ajatasatru's mother. The Jaina writers, on the 
other hand, represent Chellana, daughter of Chetaka of 
Vais'all, as the mother of Kunika-Ajatasatru. The Nikayas 
call Ajatas'atru Vedehiputta. This seems to confirm the 
Jaina tradition because Vais'all was situated in Videha. 
Buddhaghosa, however, resolves " Vedehi " into Veda-Iha, 
Vedena Ihati or intellectual effort (The Book of the 
Kindred Sayings, p. 109 n.). In this connection we should 
remember that even Kosalan monarchs had sometimes the 
epithet Vaideha (cf. Vedic Index, Vol. I, pp. 190, 491. 
Para Atnara is called both Vaideha and Kausalya). It is 
difficult to come to a final decision with regard to the 
parentage of the mother of Ajatasatru from the data at 
our disposal. 

Disarming the hostility of his powerful western and 
northern neighbours by his shrewd policy, Bimbisara could 
devote his undivided attention to the struggle with Anga 
which he annexed after defeating Brahmadatta (JASB, 
1914, p. 321). The annexation of Anga by Bimbisara is 
proved by the evidence of the Mahavagga (SBE, XVII, 
p. 1) and of the Sonadanda Sutta of the Digha Nikaya 
in which it is stated that the revenues of the town of 
Champa have been bestowed by King Bimbisara on the 
Brahmana Sonadanda. We learn from Jaina Sources 
(Hemachandra, the author of the SthavirfivaR ; cf. also the 
Bhagavati Sutra, and the Nirayavali Sutra) that Anga 
was governed as a separate province under a Magadhan 
prince with Champa as its capital. Thus by war and 
policy Bimbisara added Anga and a part of Kasi to the 
Magadhan dominions, and launched Magadha in that 
career of conquest and aggrandisement which only ended 
when Asoka sheathed his sword after the conquest of 
Kalinga. We learn from the Mahavagga that Bimbisarn's 
dominions embraced 80,000 townships, the overseers 
(Gamikas) of which used to meet in a great assembly. 

ajAtaSatiuj 105 

Bimbisara had many sons, namely, Kunika-Ajatas'atru, 
Abhaya, Silavat, Vimala-Kondaima, and Vehalla. Ajata- 
satru seems to have acted as his father's Viceroy at 
Champa (Bhagavatl Sutra, Nirayavalt Sutra and the 
Paris'ishtaparvan). He is said to have killed his father 
and seized the entire kingdom. 

II. Kunika-Ajatas'a.tru. 

The reign of Kunika-Ajatas'atru was the highwater 
mark of the power of the Bimbisarian dynasty. He not 
only hum hied Kosala and permanently annexed Kasi, but 
also absorbed the state of Vaisall. The traditional account 
of his duel with Kosala is given in the Samyutta Nikaya 
(The Book of the Kindred Sayings, pp. 109-110), and the 
Haritamata, Vaddhaki-Siikara, Kumma Sapinda, Tachchha 
Sukara, and the Bhaddasala Jatakas. It is said that after 
Ajatasatru murdered Bimbisara, his father, the queen 
Kosala Devi died of love for him. Even after her death 
Ajatasatru still enjoyed the revenues of the Kasi village 
which had been given to the lady Kosala for bath money. 
But Pasenadi, the king of Kosala, determined that no par- 
ricide should have a village which was his by right of 
inheritance and made war upon Ajatasatru. Sometimes 
the uncle got the best of it, and sometimes the nephew. 
On one occasion the Kosalan monarch fled away in defeat ; 
on another occasion he took Ajatasatru prisoner. His 
daughter Vajira he gave in marriage to his captive nephew 
and dismissed her with the Kasi village for her bath 
money. It is stated in the Bhaddasala Jataka that during 
Pasenadi's absence in a country town, Digha Charayana, 
the Commander-in-Chief, raised prince Vidudabha to the 
throne. The ex-king sent out for Rajagaha, resolved to take 
his nephew (Ajatasatru) with him and capture Viducjahha. 
But he died from exposure outside the gates of R&jagaha. 


The traditional account of Ajatas'atru-Kunika's war 
with Vaisali is given by Jaina writers. King Seniya 
Bimbisara is said to have given his famous elephant 
Seyanaga together with a huge necklace of eighteen 
strings of jewels, to his younger son Vehalla by his wife 
Chellana, the daughter of King Chetaka of Vaisali. His 
eldest son Kuniya (Ajatas'atru) after usurping his father's 
throne, on the instigation of his wife Paumaval demanded 
from his younger brother the return of both gifts. On 
the latter refusing to give them up and flying with them 
to his grandfather Chetaka in Vaisali, Kuniya having 
failed peacefully to obtain the extradition of the fugitive, 
commenced war with Chetaka (Uvasagadasao, II Appen- 
dix, p. 7). According to Buddhaghosha's commentary 
the Sumangala vilasini (Burmese Edition, Part II, p. 99) 
the cause of the war was a breach of trust on the part of 
the Lichchhavis in connection with a mine of precious 

The preliminaries to the struggle between Magadha 
and Vaisali are described in the Mahavagga and the 
Mahaparinibbana Suttanta. In the Mahavagga it is 
related that Sunidha and Vassakara, two ministers of 
Magadha, were building a fort at Pataligama in order to 
repel the Vajjis. The Mahaparinibbana Suttanta says 
" the Blessed One was once dwelling in llaia^aha on the 
hill called the Vulture's Peak. Now at that time Ajata- 
sattu Vedehiputta, the king of Magadha, was desirous of 
attacking the Vajjians ; and he said to himself, ■ I will 
root out these Vajjians, mighty and powerful though they 
be, I will destroy these Vajjians, I will bring these 
Vajjians to utter ruin.' 

So he spake to the Br&hmana Va9sakara, the prime 
minister of Magadha, and said Come now, Brahmana, 
do you go to the Blessed One, and ... tell him that 
Ajatasatru...has resolved ' I will root out these Vajjians '... 

ajAtaSatru 107 

Vassakara hearkened to the words of the king ..." (and 
delivered to the Buddha the message even as the king 
had commanded). 

In the Nirayavali Sutra it is related that when 
Kunika (Ajatasatru) prepared to attack Chetaka of 
Vaisali the latter called together the eighteen Ganarajas 
of Kasi and Kosala, together with the Lichchhavis and 
Mallakis, and asked them whether they would satisfy 
Kunika's demands, or go to war with him. The good 
relations subsisting between Kosala and Vaisali are 
referred to in the Majjhima Nikaya, Vol. II, p. 101. There 
is thus no reason to doubt the authenticity of the Jaina 
statement regarding the alliance between Kasi-Kosala 
on the one hand and Vaisali on the other. It seems 
that all the enemies of Ajatasatru including the rulers 
of Kasi-Kosala and Vais'all offered a combined resistance. 
The Kosalan war and the Vajjian war were probably 
not isolated events but parts of a common movement 
directed against the establishment of the hegemony of 
Magadha. This struggle reminds us of the tussle of the 
Samnites, Etruscans and Gauls with the rising Roman 

In the war with Vaisali Kuniya Ajatasatru is said 
to have made use of Mahasilakantaga and rahamusala. 
The first seems to have been some engine of war of 
the nature of a catapult which threw big stones. The 
second was a chariot to which a mace was attached and 
which, running about, effected a great execution 
of men (Uvasagadasao, Vol. II, Appendix, p. CO). The 
rahamusala may be compared to the tanks used in the 
great European war. 

The war synchronised with the death of Gosala 
Mankhaliputta. Sixteen years later at the time of 
Mahavlra's death the anti-Magadhan confederacy was 
still in existence. We learn from the Kalpa Sutra that 


on the death of Mahiivlra the confederate kings mention- 
ed in the Nirayavall Sutra instituted a festival to be 
held in memory of that event. The struggle between the 
Magadha king and the powers arrayed against him thus 
seems to have been protracted for more than sixteen years. 
The Atthakatha gives an account of the Machiavellian 
tactics adopted by Magadha statesmen to sow the seeds 
of dissension among the Vaisalians and thus bring about 
their downfall (of. Modern Review, July 1919, pp. 55-56). 

The absorption of Vaisali and Kasi as a result of the 
Kosalan and Vajjian wars probably brought the aspiring 
ruler of Magadha face to face with the equally ambitious 
sovereign of Avanti. We have already referred to a state- 
ment of the Majjhima Nikilya that on one occasion Ajata- 
satru was fortifying his capital because he was afraid of an 
invasion of his dominions by Pradyota. We do not know 
whether the attack was ever made. Ajatasatru does not 
appear to have succeeded in humbling Avanti. The con- 
quest of that kingdom was reserved for his successors. 

In the opinion of Mr. Jayaswal the Parkham statue 
is a contemporary portrait of king Ajatasatru. But this 
view has not met with general acceptance. 

III. Ajatas'atru's Successors. 

Ajatasatru was succeeded according to the Puranas In 
Dars'aka. Prof. Geiger considers the insertion of Darsaka 
after Ajatasatru to be an error, because the Pfili Canon 
indubitably asserts that Udayibhadda was the son of 
Ajatas'atru and probably also his successor. Jaina tradi- 
tion recorded in the Pari sishtapar van (p. 42) also repre- 
sents Udayin as the immediate successor of Kfmika. 

Though the reality of the existence of Dars'aka, as 
king of Magadha, is established by the discovery of Bhasa's 
Svapna-Vasavadatta, yet in the face of Buddhist and 

ajataSatrips SUCCESSORS 109 

Jaina evidence it cannot be confidently asserted that he 
was the immediate successor of Ajatas'atru. Prof. Bhandar- 
kar identities him with Naga-Dasaka who is represented 
by the Ceylonese Chronicles as the last king of Bimbisara's 
line. The Ceylonese tradition seems to be confirmed 
by the following passage in Hiuen Tsang's Si-yu-ki, " To 
the south-west of the old Sangharama about 100 li is the 
Sangharama of Ti-lo-shi-kia...It was built by the 
last descendant of Bimbisara raja" (I3eal, Si-yu-ki, II, p. 
102). The name of the second Sangharama was probably 
derived from that of Darsaka who is here represented 
as the last descendant of Bimbisara. 

Udayin : Before his accession to the throne Udayin 
or Udayibhadda, the son of Ajatas'atru, seems to have 
acted as his father's Viceroy at Champa (Jacobi, Parisishta 
parvan, p. 42). The Paris'ishtaparvan further informs us 
that be founded a new capital on the bank of the Ganges 
which came to be known as Pataliputra. This part of 
the Jaina tradition is confirmed by the testimony of the 
Vayu Purana according to which Udaya built the city of 
Kusumapura in the fourth year of his reign. The 
Paris'ishtaparvan (pp. 45-4-6) refers to the king of Avanti 
as the enemy of Udayin. This does not seem to be impro- 
bable in view of the fact that his father had to fortify 
his capital in expectation of an attack about to be made 
by Pradyota king of Avanti. The fall of Anga and 
Vaisali and the discomfiture of Kosala had left Avanti the 
only important rival of Magadha. This last kingdom 
had absorbed all the kingdoms and republics of eastern 
India. On the other hand, if the Kathasaritsagara (Tawney's 
Translation, Vol. II, p. 484) is to be believed the kingdom 
of Kaus'&mbl was at this time annexed to the realm of 
Palaka of Avanti, the successor of Pradyota. The two 
kingdoms, Magadha and Avanti, were brought face to face 
with each other. The contest between the two for the 


mastery of northern India began, as wo have seen, in the 
reign of Ajatas'atru. It must have continued during the 
reign of Udayin. The issue was finally decided in the 
time of Sis'unaga. 

In the opinion of Mr. Jayaswal one of the famous 
" Patna Statues " in the Bharhut Gallery of the Indian 
Museum is a portrait of Udayin. According to him 
the statue bears the following words : 

Bhage ACHO chhonidhise. 

He identifies ACHO with king Aja mentioned in the 
Bhagavata list of Sais'unaga kings, and with Udayin of the 
Matsya, Vayu and Brahmanda lists. Mr. Jayaswal's 
reading and interpretation of the inscription have not, 
however, been accepted by several scholars including 
Dr. Barnett, and Professors Chanda and Majumdar. 
Dr. Smith, however, while unwilling to dogmatize, 
was of opinion that the statue was pre-Maurya. In the 
third edition of his " Asoka " he considers Mr. Jayas- 
wal's theory as probable. 

The characters of the short inscription on the statue 
are so difficult to read that it is well-nigh impossible to 
come to a final decision. For the present the problem 
must be regarded as not yet definitely solved. Cunningham 
described the statue as that of a Yaksha. According to him 
the figure bore the words u Yakhe Achusanigika." Prof. 
Chanda's reading is : Bha (?) ga Achachha nivika (the owner 
of inexhaustible capital, i.e., Vaisravana). 1 Dr. Majumdar 
reads : Gate (Yakhe ?) Lechchhai (vi) 40, 4. 

Udayin's successors according to the Puranas were 
Nandivardhana and Mahanandin. But the Ceylonese 
chronicles place after Udaya the kings named Anuruddha, 
Munda and Naga Dasaka. Here again the Ceylonese 
account is partially confirmed by the Anguttara Nikaya 

1 Indian Antiquary, March, 1019. 


which refers to Munda, King of Pataliputra. Prof. 
Bhandarkar mentions his queen Bhadradevl and treasurer 
Priyaka. The Auguttara Nikaya by mentioning Patali- 
putra as the capital of Munda indirectly confirms the 
tradition regarding the transfer of the Magadhan metro- 
polis from Rajagriha to Kusumapura or Pataliputra. 
The Ceylonese chronicles state that all the kings from 
Ajatasatru to Naga-Dasaka were parricides. The people 
became angry, banished the dynasty and raised an nmcitya 
named Susu Nflga (Sisunaga) to the throne. 

The new king seems to have been acting as the 
Magadhan Viceroy at Benares. The Puranas tell us that 
" placing his son at Benares he will make Girivraja 
his own abode." The employment of amatyas as 
provincial governors need not cause surprise. The 
custom was prevalent as late as the time of Gautamiputra 

The Puranic statement that Sis'unaga destroyed the 
power of the Pradyotas proves the correctness of the 
Ceylonese tradition that he came after Bimbisara who was 
a contemporary of Pradyota. In view of this we cannot 
accept the other Puranic statement that Sisunaga was the 
progenitor of Bimhisara's family. It may be argued that 
as Sis'unaga had his capital at Girivraja he must have 
flourished before TJHayin who was the first to remove the 
capital to Pataliputra. But the fact that Kalasoka, the son 
and successor of Sis'unaga, had to retransfer the royal resi- 
dence from Rajagriha to Pataliputra (SBE, XT, p. xvi) 
shows that one of his predecessors had reverted to the old 
capital. Who this predecessor was is made clear by the 
Puranic statement that Sisunaga * will make Girivraja his 
own abode." '\ he inclusion of Benares within Sisunaga's 
dominions also proves that he came after Bimbisara and 
Ajatasatru who were the first to establish Magadhan 
authority in Kas'i. 


Erora a statement in the Malalankaravatthu, a Pali 
work of modern date, but following very closely the more 
ancient books, it appears that $is'unaga had a royal 
residence at Vaisali which ultimately became his capital 
(SBE, XI, p. xvi). " That , monarch (Susunaga), not 
unmindful of his mother's origin, re-established the city 
of Vesali, and fixed in it the royal residence. From that 
time Rajagaha lost her rank of royal city which she never 
afterwards recovered." This passage which says that 
Rajagriha lost her rank of royal city from the time of 
Sis'unaga, proves that Sis'unaga came after the palmy 
days of Rajagriha, i.e., the period of Bimbisara and 

The most important achievement of Sis'unaga seems 
to have been the annihilation of the power and prestige of 
the Pradyota dynasty of Avanti. Pradyota, the first king 
of the line, had been succeeded by Palaka after whom 
came Aryaka. The Puranas place after Aryaka or Ajaka 
a king named Nandivardhana, or Vartivardhana (Avanti- 
vardhana ?), and add that Sis'unaga will destroy the prestige 
of the Pradyotas and be king. Mr. Jayaswal identifies 
Ajaka and Nandivardhana of the Avanti list with 
Aja-Udayin and Nandivardhana of the Puranic list of 
Saisunaga kings. But Prof. Bhandarkar says that Aryaka 
or Ajaka was the son of Gopala, the elder brother of 
Palaka. The important tiling to remember is that the 
Pradyota dynasty was humbled by Sis'unaga. Whether the 
Saisunaga occupation of Avanti took place immediately 
after Palaka, or two generations later, is immaterial. 

Sis'unaga was succeeded according to the Puranas by 
his son Kakavarna, according to the Ceylonese chronicles 
by his son Kalasoka. Professors Jacobi, Geiger and 
Bhandarkar suggest that Kalas'oka, "the black Asoka" 
and Kakavarna, " the crow-coloured " are one and the 
same person. This conclusion is confirmed by the evidence 

ajAtaSatru's successors us 

of the As'okavadana which places Kfikavarnin after 
Munda, and does not mention Kalasoka (Geiger, Maha- 
vamsa, p. xli). The two most important events of the 
reign of Kalasoka are the holding of the Second Buddhist 
Council at Vaisali, and the retransfer of the capital to 
Pataliputra. Bana in his Harshacharita (edited by 
Kasinath Pandurang Parab, p. 223) gives a curious legend 
concerning the death of Kakavarna (Kalas'oka). It is 
stated there that Kakavarna &ais'unagi had a dagger 
thrust into his throat in the vicinity of his city. The 
story about the tragic end of Kakavarna-Kalasoka is, as 
we shall see later, confirmed by Greek evidence. 

The successors of Kalasoka were his ten sons who are 
supposed to have ruled simultaneously. Their names 
according to the Mahabodhivamsa were Bhadrasena, 
Korandavarna, Mangura, Sarvanjaha, Jalika, Ubhaka, 
Safijaya, Koravya, Nandivardhana and Panchamaka. 
Prof. Bhandarkar suggests that Nandivardhana of the 
Mahabodhivamsa is most probably Nandivardhana of the 
Puranic list. Mr. Jayaswal says that the headless Patna 
statue in the Bharhut Gallery of the Indian Museum is a 
portrait of this king. According to him the inscription 
on the statue is as follows : — 

Sapa (or Sava) khate Vata Namdi. 

He regards Vata Namdi as an abbreviation of Vartivar- 
dhana (the name of Nandivardhana in the Vayu list) and 
Nandivardhana. Mr. R. D. Banerji in the June number 
of the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 
1919, says that there cannot be two opinions about the 
reading Vata Namdi. Prof. Chanda, however, regards the 
statue in question as an image of a Yaksha and reads 
the inscription which it bears as follows : — 

Yakha sa (?) rvata namdi. 


Dr. Majumdar says that the inscription may be read 
as follows : — 

Yak he sam Vajinam 70. 

He places the inscription in the second century A. D., 
and supports the Yaksha theory propounded by Cunning- 
ham and upheld by Prof. Chanda. He does not agree 
with those scholars who conclude that the statue is a por- 
trait of a &aisunaga sovereign simply because there are 
some letters in the inscription under discussion which 
may be construed as a name of a Saisunaga. Referring 
to Mr. Jayaswal's suggestion that the form Vata Namdi 
is composed of two variant proper names (Vartivardhana 
and Namdivardhana) he says that Chandragupta II was 
also known as Devagupta, and Vigrahapala had a second 
name ^urapala ; but who has ever heard of compound 
names like Chandra-Deva or Deva-Chandra, and $ura- 
Vigraha or Vigraha-$ura ? 

Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad ^astri takes Vata 
Namdi to mean Vratya Namdi and says that the statue 
has most of the articles of dress as given by Katyayana 
to the Vratya Kshatriya. In the Puranas the Sisunaga 
kings are mentioned as Kshattrabandhus, i. e., Vratya 
Kshatriyas. The Mahamahopadhyaya thus inclines to 
the view of Mr. Jayaswal that the statue in question 
is a portrait of a Sais'unaga king. 1 

Mr. Ordhendra Coomar Gangoly regards the statue 
as a Yaksha image, and draws our attention to the 
catalogue of Yakshas in the Mahamayuri and the 
passage " Nandi cha Vardhanas chaiva nagare Nandi- 
vardhane." 2 Dr. Barnett is also not satisfied that the 
four syllables which may bo read as Vata Nariidi mention 
the name of a Sais'unaga king. Dr. Smith however in 
the third edition of his " As'oka " admits the possibility 

* JBORS, December, 1919. « Modem Rotiow, October, 1919. 


of Mr. Jayaswal's contention. We regard the problem 
as still unsolved. The data at our disposal are too scanty 
to warrant the conclusion that the inscription on the 
Patna statue mentions a Sais'unaga king. The script 
seems to be late. 

Messrs. R. D. Banerji and Jayasvval propose to identify 
Nandivardhana, the ^aisuna^a king, with Nandaraja 
mentioned in the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela 
king of Kalinga. One of the passages containing the 
name of Nandaraja runs thus : — 

Pamchame cha dani vase Na (m) da-raja-tivasasata-o 
(gha?j fitam Tanasuliyavata panadim nagaram pavesa... 

"In the fifth year he had an aqueduct that had not 
been used for 300 (or 103) years since king Nanda 
conducted into the city." 

Nandivardhana is identified with Nanda on the strength 
of Kshemendra's reference to the Purvanandah who, we 
are told, should be distinguished from the Navanandah 
or Later Nandas, and identified with Nandivardhana and 
Mahanandin (The Oxford History of India, Additions 
and Corrections). In the Katha Sarit-Sagara, however, 
Purvananda is distinguished, not from the Navanandah, 
but from Yoganauda. The Puranas and the Ceylonese 
authorities know of the existence of only one Nanda line. 
The Puranas and the Mahabodhivamsa represent Nandi- 
vardhana as a king of the Saisunaga lino —a dynasty which is 
sharply distinguished from the Nandas. Moreover, as Prof. 
Chanda points out (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey 
of India, No. 1, p. 11), the Puranas contain nothing to 
show that Nandivardhana had anything to do with 
Kalinga. On the contrary we are distinctly told by those 
authorities that when the kings of the &aisunaga dynasty 
and their predecessors were reigning in Magadha 32 
kings reigned in Kalinga in succession synchronously. 
It is not Nandivardhana but Mahapadma Nanda who is 


said to have brought " all under his sole sway " and 
" uprooted all Kshatriyas." So we should identify 
Namdaraja of the Hathigumpha inscription who held 
possession of Kalinga either with the all-conquering 
Mahapadma Nanda or one of his sons. 

We learn from the Puranas as well as the Ceylonese 
Chronicles that the Sais'unaga dynasty was supplanted 
bv the Kanda line. 

IV. The Chronology of the Bimbisara-Sisunaga 


There is considerable disagreement between the 
Puranas and the Ceylonese Chronicles regarding the 
chronology of the kings of the Bimhisarian (or Naga) 
and Sais'unaga dynasties. Even Dr. Smith is not dis- 
posed to accept all the dates given in the Puranas. Prof 
Bhandarkar observes (Carm. Lee, 1918, p. 68)" they (the 
Puranas) assign a period of 363 years to ten consecutive 
reigns, i. e., at least 36 years to each reign which is quite 
preposterous." According to the Ceylonese Chronicles 
Bimbisara ruled for fifty-two years, Ajatasatru for 32 
years, Udaya for 16 years, Anuruddha and Munda for 8 
years, Nagadasaka for 24 years, Susunaga for 18 years, 
Kalasoka for 28 years, and Kalasoka's sons for 22 years. 
Gautama Buddha died when Ajatasatru was on the throne 
for 8 years (Carm. Lee, p. 70), i. c, 52+8=60 years after 
the accession of Bimbisara. Fleet and Geiger adduce 
good grounds for believing that the Parinirvana really 
took place in 483 B. C. (JRAS, 1909, pp. 1-34; Geiger, 
Mahavamsa, p. xxviii). Adding 60 to 483 B. C. we 
get the year 543 B. C. as the date of the accession of 
Bimbisara. In the time of Bimbisara Gandhara was an 
independent kingdom ruled by a king named Pukkusati. 
By B. C. 516 Gandbara had lost its independence and had 
become subject to Persia, as we know from the Behistun 


inscription of Darius. It is thus clear that Pukkusati 
and his contemporary Bimbisara lived before B. C. 516. 
This accords with the chronology which places his 
accession in B. C. 543. Curiously enough this is the 
starting point of one of the traditional Nirvana eras. 
Prof. Geiger shows that the dates 544 (543 according 
to some scholars) and 48'i were starting points of two 
distinct eras. He proves that in Ceylon down to the 
beginning of the eleventh century A. D. the Nirvana era 
was reckoned from 483 B. C. There can thus be no doubt 
that the era of 483 B. C. was the real Nirvana era. 
What then was the origin of the era of 544 or 543 B. C. ? 
It is not altogether improbable that this era was reckoned 
from the accesion of Bimbisara, and was at first current 
in Magadha. Later on it travelled to distant lands in- 
cluding Ceylon and was confounded w r ith the Nirvana 
era of 483 B. C. Then the real Nirvana era fell into 
disuse, and the era of 544 B. C. came to occupy its place. 

V. The Nakdas. 

We have seen that the ^ais'unaga dynasty was supplant- 
ed by the line of Nanda. The name of the first Nanda 
was Mahapadma according to the Puranas, and Ugrasena 
according to the Mahabodhivamsa. The Puranas describe 
him as Sudragarbhodbhava, i.e., born of a Sudra mother. The 
Jaina Parisishtaparvan (p. 46) represents Nanda as the son 
of a courtesan by a barber. The Jaina tradition is strik- 
ingly confirmed by the classical accounts of the father 
of Alexander's Magadhan contemporary. Curtius says 
(McCrindle, The Invasion of India by Alexander, p. 222) 
11 His (Agrammes', i. e., the last Nanda's) father (i. e., the 
first Nanda) was in faet a barber, scarcely staving off 
hunger by his daily earnings, but who, from his being 
not uncomely in person, had gained the affections of the 


queen, and was by her influence advanced to too near a 
place in the confidence of the reigning monarch. After- 
wards, however, he treacherously murdered his sovereign ; 
and then, under the pretence of acting as guardian to the 
royal children, usurped the supremo authority, and hav- 
ing put the young princes to death begot the present 
king." The murdered sovereign seems to have been 
Kalasoka-Kakavarna who had a tragic end as we know 
from the Harshacharita. Kakavarna Saisunagi, says 
Bana, had a dagger thrust into his throat in the vicinity 
of his city. The young princes referred to by Curtius 
were evidently the sons of Kalasoka-Kakavarna. The 
Greek account of the rise of the family of Agrammes fits 
in well with the Ceylonese account of the end of the 
$aisunaga line and the rise of the Nandas, but not with 
the Puranic story which represents the first Nanda as a 
son of the last ^aisunaga by a $udra woman, and makes no 
mention of the young princes. The name Agrammes is 
probably a corruption of the Sanskrit Augrasainya, 
" son of Ugrasena." Ugrasena is, as we have seen, the 
name of the first Nanda according to the Mahabodhi- 
vamsa. His son may aptly be termed Augrasainya 
which the Greeks corrupted into Agrammes and later on 
into Xandrames. 

The Matsya, Vayu and Brahmanda Puranas call 
Mahapndma, the first Nanda king, the destroyer of all the 
Kshatriyas (Sarva Kshatrantaka) and sole monarch 
(ekarat) of the earth which was under his undisputed sway 
which terms imply that he overthrew all the dynasties 
which ruled contemporaneously with the 6ais'unagas, viz., 
the Ikshvakus, Haihayas Kalirigas, As'makas, Siirasenas, 
etc. The Puranic account of the unification of a consi- 
derable portion of India under Nanda's sceptre is corrobo- 
rated by the classical writers who speak of the most power- 
ful peoples who dwelt beyond the Beas in the time of 


Alexander as being under one sovereign who had his 
capital at Palibothra (Pataliputra). The inclusion of 
Kosala within Nanda's dominions seems to be implied by a 
passage of the Kathasaritsagara (Tawney's Trans- 
lation, p. 21) which refers to the camp of king Nanda in 
Ayodhya. Several Mysore inscriptions state that Kuntala, 
a province which included the southern part of the 
Bombay Presidency and the north of Mysore, was ruled 
by the Nandas (Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the In- 
scriptions, p. 3). But these are of comparatively modern 
date, the twelfth century, and too much cannot be built 
upon their statements. More important is the evidence 
of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela which 
mentions Nandaraja in connection with an aqueduct of 
Kalinga. The passage in the inscription seems to imply 
that Nandaraja held sway in Kalinga. A second passage 
of Khara vela's inscription seems to state that king Nanda 
carried away as trophies the statue (or footprints) of the 
first Jina and heirlooms of the Kalinga kings to Magadha 
(JBOItS, 11)17, December, pp. 447, 457-458). In view of 
Nanda's possession of Kalinga, the conquest of regions ly- 
ing further south does not seem to be altogether improbable. 

The Matsya Purana assigns 88 years to the reign of 
the first Nanda, but 88 (Ashtasiti) is probably a mistake 
for 28 (Ashtavimsati), as the Vayu assigns only 28 
years. According to Taranath Nanda reigned 29 years 
(Ind. Ant., 1875, p. 362). According to the Ceylonese 
accounts the Nandas ruled only for 22 years. 

Mahapadma-Ugrasena was succeeded by his eight 
sons who ruled for twelve years according to the Puranas. 
The Ceylonese Chronicles, as we have already seen, give the 
total length of the reign-period of all the nine Nandas as 
22 years. The Puranas mention only the name of one 
son of Mahapadma, viz., Sukalpa. The Mahabodhivamsa 
gives the following names, Panduka, Pandugati, Bhutapala, 


Bashtrapala, Govishanaka, Dasa9iddhaka, Kaivarta 
and Dhana. The last king is called by the classical 
writers Agrammes or Xandraines. Agrammes is, as we 
have seen, probably the Greek corruption of the Sanskrit 
patronymic Augrasainya. 

The first Nanda left to his sons not only a big empire 
but also a large army and a full exchequer. Curtius 
tells us that Agrammes king of the Gangaridae and the 
Prasii kept in the field for guarding the approaches to 
his country 20,000 cavalry and 200,000 infantry, besides 
2,000 four-horsed chariots, and, what was the most 
formidable force of all, a troop of elephants which, he said, 
ran up to the number of 3,000. Diodorus and Plutarch 
give similar accounts. But they raise the number of 
elephants to 4,000 and 6,000 respectively. 

The enormous wealth of the Nandas is referred to by 
several writers. Prof. S. K. Aiyangar points out (Begin- 
nings of South Indian History, p. 89) that a Tamil poem 
contains an interesting statement regarding the wealth of 
the Nandas " which having accumulated first in Patali, hid 
itself in the floods of the Ganges." The Chinese pilgrim 
Hiuen Tsang refers to " the five treasures of king Nanda's 
seven precious substances." A passage of the Kathasarit- 
sagara says (Tawney's Translation, Vol. I, p. 21) that king 
Nanda possessed 990 millions of gold pieces. 

The Ashtadhyayi of Panini, translated by Mr. S. C. 
Vasu contains a rule (Sutra II. 4>. 21) as an illustration 
of which the following passage is cited : 

Nandopakramani manani. 

This indicates that one of the Nanda kings was credited 
with the invention of a particular kind of measures. 

We learn from Kautilya's Arthasastra, Kamandaka's 
Nltisara, the Puranas, and the Mudrarakshasa that the 
Nanda dynasty was overthrown by Kautilya the famous 


minister of Chandragupta Maurya. No detailed account 
of this great dynastic revolution has survived. The 
accumulation of an enormous amount of wealth by the 
Nanda kings probably implies a good deal of financial 
extortion. Moreover, we are told by the classical writers 
that Agrammes (the last Nanda) " was detested and held 
cheap by his subjects as he rather took after his father 
than conducted himself as the occupant of a throne " 
(M'Crindle, The Invasion of India by Alexander, p. 222). 
The Puranic passage about the revolution stands 
as follows : 

Uddharishyati tan sarvan 
Kautilyo vai dvir ashtabhih 
Kautilyas Chandraguptam tu 
Tato rajye' bhishekshyati. 

Mr. Jayasvval (Ind. Ant., 1914, p. 124) proposes to 
read Virashtrabhih instead of dvirashtabhili. Virashtras 
he takes to mean the Arattas, and adds that Kautilya was 
helped by the Arattas " the band of robbers " of Justin. 

The Milinda-Panho {cf. SEE., XXXVI, pp. 147-48) 
refers to an episode of the great struggle between the 
Nandas and the Mauryas : " there was Bhaddasala, the 
soldier in the service of the royal family of Nanda, and he 
waged war against king Chandagutta. Now in that war, 
Nagasena, there were eighty Corpse dances. For they 
say that when one great Head Holocaust has taken place 
(by which is meant the slaughter of ten thousand ele- 
phants, and a lac of horses, and five thousand charioteers, 
and a hundred kotis of soldiers on foot), then the head- 
less corpses arise and dance in frenzy over the battle- 
field." The passage contains a good deal of what is 
untrustworthy. But we have here a reminiscence of the 
bloody encounter between the contending forces of the 
Nandas and the Mauryas (cf. Ind. Ant., 1914, p. 12 1 n.). 



While the kingdoms and republics of the Indian 
interior were gradually being merged in the Magadha 
Empire, those of North- West India were passing through 
vicissitudes of a different kind. In the first half of the 
sixth century B. C. the Uttarapatha beyond the Madhya- 
des'a, like the rest of India, was parcelled out into a number 
of small states the most important of which were Gandhara 
and Kamboja. No sovereign arose in this part of India 
capable of welding together the warring communities, as 
Ugrasena-Mahapadma had done in the East. The whole 
region was at once wealthy and disunited, and formed 
the natural prey of the strong Achsemenian monarchy 
which grew up in Persia. 

Kurush or Cyrus (558-529 B.C.) the founder of the 
Persian Empire is said to have led an expedition against 
India through Gedrosia but had to abandon the enterprise, 
escaping with seven men only (H. and F. Strabo, III., 
p. 74). But he was more successful in the Kabul valley. 
We learn from Pliny that he destroyed the famous city of 
Kapis'a. Arrian informs us (Chinnock's Edition, p. 399) 
that " the district west of the river Indus as far as the river 
Cophen (Kabul) is inhabited by the Astacenians ( Asvatakas, ? 
Mbh. VI. 51) and the Assacenians (Asmakas), Indian tribes. 
These were in ancient times subject to the Assyrians, 
afterwards to the Medes, and finally they submitted to the 
Persians, and paid tribute to Cyrus the son of Cambyses as 
ruler of their land." Strabo tells us that on one occasion 
the Persians summoned the Hydraces (the Kshudrakas) 
from India (i.e., the Panjab) to attend them as mercenaries. 


In the Behistun inscription ' of Darayavaush or Darius, 
(522-486 B.C.), the third sovereign of the Achaemenian 
dynasty, the people of Gandhara (Gadara) appear among 
the subject peoples of the Persian Empire. But no 
mention is there made of the Hidus (people of the Indus 
Valley) who are included with the Gandharians in the 
lists of subject peoples given by the inscriptions on the 
palace of Darius at Persepolis, and on his tomb at Naksh- 
i-Rustum. 1 From this Rapson infers that the Indians 
(Hidus) were conquered at some date between 516 B. C, 
(the date of the Behistun inscription) and the end of 
the reign of Darius in 486 B. C. The preliminaries to 
this conquest are described by Herodotus (M'Crindle, 
Ancient India as described in Classical Literature, pp. 4-5) 
" he (Darius) being desirous to know in what part the 
Indus, which is the second river that produces crocodiles, 
discharges itself into the sea, sent in ships both others on 
whom he could rely to make a true report and also 
Scylax of Caryauda. They accordingly setting out from 
the city of Caspatyrus and the country of Paktyike 
sailed down the river towards the east and sunrise to 
the sea ; then sailing on the sea westwards, they arrived 
in the thirtieth month at that place where the king of 
Egypt despatched the Phoenicians, to sail round Libya. 
After these persons had sailed round, Darius subdued the 
Indians and frequented the sea." 

Herodotus tells us that " India " constituted the 
twentieth and the most populous satrapy of the Persian 
Empire, and that it paid a tribute proportionately larger 
than all the rest, 360 talents of gold dust. Gandhara 
was included in the seventh satrapy. The details regard- 
ing India left by Herodotus leave no room for doubt that 
it embraced the Indus valley and was bounded on the 

1 Ancient Persian Lexicon and the Texts of tho Achaotuenidan Inscriptions by 
H. C. Tolman. 


east by the desert of Rajaputana. " That part of India 
towards the rising sun is all saud ; for of the people with 
whom we are acquainted, the Indians live the furthest 
towards the east and the sunrise, of all the inhabitants 
of Asia, for the Indians' country towards the east is a 
desert by reason of the sands." 

Khshayarsha or Xerxes (480-464 B.C.), the son and 
successor of Darius, maintained his hold on the Indian pro- 
vinces. In the great army which he led against Hellas both 
Gandhara and " India " were represented. The Gandha- 
rians are described by Herodotus as bearing bows of reed 
and short spears, and the " Indians " as being clad in cotton 
garments and bearing cane bows with arrows tipped with 
iron. An interesting relic of Persian influence in India 
is a Taxila inscription in Aramaic characters of the fourth 
or fifth century B.C. (JRAS., 1915, pp, 340-47). 

Indians figured in the army which Darius Codomannus 
(335-330 B.C.) led against Alexander. " The Indians who 
were conterminous with the Bactrians, as also the 
Bactrians themselves and the Sogdianians had come to the 
aid of Darius, all being under the command of Bessus, 
the Viceroy of the land of Bactria. They were followed by 
the Sacians, a Scythian tribe belonging to the Scythians 
who dwell in Asia. These were not subject to Bessus but 
were in alliance with Darius.... Barsaentes, the Viceroy 
of Arachotia, led the Arachotians and the men who were 
called mountaineer Indians... There were a few Elephants, 
about fifteen in number, belonging to the Indians who 
live this side of the Iudus. With these forces Darius 
had encamped at Gaugamela, near the river Bumodus, 
about 600 stades distant from the city of Arbela." 1 The 
hold of the Achyemenians on the Indian provinces had, 
however, grown very feeble about this time, and the 
whole of north-western India was parcelled out into 

1 Chinnock, Arrian's Anabasis, pp. 142-143. 


innumerable kingdoms and republics. A list of the more 
important among these states is given below : — 

1. The Aspasian territory : 

It lay in the difficult hill country north of the Kabul 
river. The chieftain of the Aspasians dwelt in a city on or 
near the river Euaspla, supposed to be identical with the 
Kunar, a tributary of the Kabul. Other Aspasian cities 
were Andaca and Arigaeum. 1 

2. The country of the Guraeans : 

It was washed by the river Guraeus (Pafijkora) and lay 
between the land of the Aspasians and the country of the 

3. The kingdom of Assakenus : 

It had its capital at Massaga a ' ; formidable fortress 
probably situated not very far to the north of the Mala- 
kand Pass but not yet precisely identified." The name 
of the Assakenians represents the Sanskrit Asvaka or 
Asmaka. The Asmakas are mentioned by Panini (IV. 
1. 173). They are placed in the north-west by the 
authors of the Markandeya Purana and the Brihat 
Sarhhita. A branch of this people probably settled in 
the Deccan, and gave their name to the Assaka Mahajana- 
pada mentioned in the Anguttara Nikaya. The Assakenian 
king had a powerful army of 20,000 cavalry, more than 
30,000 infantry, and 30 elephants. The reigning 
king at the time of Alexander's invasion is called by the 
Greeks Assakenos. His mother was Kleophis. Assakenos 
had a brother (Invasion of Alexander, p. 378) called Eryx 
by Curtius and Aphrikes by Diodoros. 

4. Peukelaotis : 

It lay on the road from Kabul to the Indus. Arrian 
tells us (Chinnock's Edition, p. 403) that the Kabul falls 
into the Indus in the land called Peukelaotis, taking with 

1 Chinnock'a Arrian pp. 230-231. 


itself the Malantus, Soastus and Guraeus. Peukelaotis 
represents the Sanskrit Pushkaravatl. It formed the 
western part of the old kingdom of Gandhara. The 
capital is represented by the modern Charsadda, 17 miles 
N. E. of Peshawar, on the Swat river, the Soastus of 
Arrian, and the Suvastu of the Vedic texts. 

The reigning king at the time of Alexander's invasion 
was Astes (Hasti P). 1 He was defeated and killed by 
Hephaestion, a general of the Macedonian king. 

5. Nysa : 

It was a small hill state with a republican constitution. 
It was alleged to have been founded by Greek colonists 
long before the invasion of Alexander. 2 Arrian says 
(Chinnock's Edition, p. 399) " the Nysaeans are not an 
Indian race, but descended from the men who came into 
India with Dionysus." Curiously enough a Yona or Greek 
state is mentioned along with Kamboja in the Majjhima 
Nikaya (II. 149) as flourishing in the time of Gautama 
Buddha and Assalayana. 

According to Holdich the lower spurs and valleys 
of Koh-i-Mor are where the ancient city of Nysa 
once stood. At the time of Alexander's invasion the 
Nysaeans had Akouphis for their President. They had a 
Governing Body of 300 members (Invasion of Alexander, 
p. 81). 

6. Taxila or Takshas'ila : 

Strabo says (H. & P.'s Ed. Ill, p. 90) "between the 
Indus and the Hydaspes (Jihlam) was Taxila, a large 
city, and governed by good laws. The neighbouring 
country is crowded with inhabitants and very fertile." 
The kingdom of Taxila formed the eastern part of the old 
kingdom of Gandhara. 

1 Chinnock, A man's Anabasis of Alexander and Indica, p. 228. 
■ M'Crindle, Invasion of Alexander, p. 79 ; Hamilton and Falconer, Btrabo, 
Vol. Ill, p. 76. 


In B.C. 327 the Taxilian throne was occupied by a 
prince whom the Greeks called Taxiles. When Alexander 
of Macedon arrived in the Kabul valley he sent a herald 
to Taxiles to bid him come and meet him. Taxiles accord- 
ingly did come to meet him, bringing valuable gifts. 
When he died his son Mophis or Omphis (Sanskrit Ambhi) 
succeeded to the government. Curiously enough Kautilya, 
the famous minister, refers to a school of political philo- 
sophers called Ambhiyas, and Dr. E. W. Thomas connects 
them with Taxila (Barhaspatya Arthasastra, Introduction, 

P- 15). 

7. Abhisara : 

Strabo says (H. & E.'s Ed. Ill, p. 90) that the kingdom 
was situated among the mountains above the Taxila country. 
The position of this state was correctly denned by Stein 
who observed that Darvabhisara {cf. Mbh. VII. 91.43) 
comprised the whole tract of the lower and middle hills 
lying between the Jihlam and the Chinab. Abisares, the 
contemporary of Alexander, was a shrewd politician of the 
type of Charles Emanuel III of Sardinia. When the 
Macedonian invader arrived he informed him that he was 
ready to surrender himself and the land which he ruled. 
And yet before the battle which was fought between 
Alexander and the famous Poros, Abisares intended to 
join his forces with those of the latter (Chinnock, Arrian, 
p. 276). 

8. The kingdom of Arsakes : 

It represents the Sanskrit Urasa, the modern Hazara 
district. It adjoined the realm of Abisares. 

9. The kingdom of the Elder Poros : 

It lay between the Jihlam and the Chinab and roughly 
corresponded to the modern districts of Jihlam, Guzrat 
and Shahpur. Strabo tells us (H. & E.'s Ed. Ill, p. 91) 
that it was an extensive and fertile district containing 
nearly 300 cities. Diodoros informs us (Invasion of 



Alexander, p. 274) that Poros had an army of more than 
50,000 foot, above 3,000 horse, about 1,000 chariots, and 
130 elephants. He was in alliance with Embisaros, i.e., 
the king of Abhisara. 

Poros probably represents the Sanskrit Puru or 
Paurava. In the Rig Veda the Piirus are expressly 
mentioned as on the Sarasvatl. In the time of Alexander 
we lind them on the Hydaspes (Jihlam). The Maha- 
bharata also refers to a " Puram Paurava-rakshitam " 
which lay not far from Kasmira (Sabha, 27, 15-17). 
It is suggested in the Vedic Index (Vol. II, pp. 12-13) 
that either the Hydaspes was the earlier home of the 
Purus, where some remained after the others had 
wandered east, or the later Purus represent a successful 
onslaught upon the west from the east. 

10. The country of the people called Glauganicians 
by Aristobulus, Glausians (Govasas ? Mbh. VIII. 73.17) 
by Ptolemy : 

This country was conterminous with the dominion of 
Poros (Chinnock, Arrian, p. 276). 

11. Gandaris : 

It lay between the Chinab and the Ravi and probably 
represented the easternmost part of the old Mahajanapada 
of Gandhara. It was ruled by the Younger Poros, 
nephew of the monarch who ruled the territory between 
the Jihlam and the Chinab. 

12. The Adraistai (Adrijas ? Mbh. VII. 169. 5) : 
They dwelt on the eastern side of the Hydraotes or the 

Ravi, and their main stronghold was Pimprama. 

13. Kathaioi or Cathaeans : 

Strabo says (H. & F.'s Ed. Ill, p. 92) "some writers 
place Cathaia and the country of Sopeithes, one of the 
nomarchs, in the tract between the rivers (Hydaspes and 
Acesines, i.e., the Jihlam and the Chinab) ; some on the 
other side of the Acesines and of the Hyarotis, on the 


confines of the territory of the other Poros, the nephew 
of Poros who was taken prisoner by Alexander." The 
Kathaioi probably represent the Sanskrit Kantha (Panini, 
II. 4. 20) or Kratha (Mbh. VIII. 85.16). They were the 
head of the confederacy of independent tribes dwelling in 
the territory of which the centre was Sangala. This town 
was probably situated in the Gurudaspur district, not far 
from Fathgarh (JRAS., 1903, p. 687). 

The Kathaians enjoyed the highest reputation for 
courage and skill in the art of war. Onesikritos tells us 
that in Kathaia the handsomest man was chosen as king 
(M'Crindle, Ancient India as described in Classical 
Literature, p. 38). 

14s. The kingdom of Sophytes (Saubhuti) : 
In the opinion of Smith, the position of this kingdom 
is fixed by the remark of Strabo (E. & F.'s Ed. Ill, p. 93) 
that it included a mountain composed of fossil salt 
sufficient for the whole of India; Sophytes was there- 
fore the " lord of the fastnesses of the Salt Range 
stretching from Jihlam to the Indus." But we have 
already seen that the classical writers agree in placing 
Sophytes' kingdom east of the Jiham. Curtius tells us 
(Invasion of India by Alexander, p. 219) that the 
nation ruled by Sopeithes (Sophytes), in the opinion 
of the " barbarians," excelled in wisdom, and lived under 
good laws and customs. They did not acknowledge 
and rear children according to the will of the parents, 
but as the officers entrusted with the medical inspection 
of infants might direct, for if they remarked anything 
deformed or defective in the limbs of a child they ordered 
it to be killed. In contracting marriages they did not 
seek an alliance with high birth, but made their choice 
by the looks, for beauty in the children was highly 
appreciated. Strabo informs us (H. & F. Ill, p. 93) that 
the dogs in the territory of Sopeithes (Sophytes) were 


said to possess remarkable courage. We have some coins 
of Sophytes bearing on the obverse the head of the king, 
and on the reverse the figure of a cock. Strabo calls 
Sophytes a nomarch which probably indicates that he 
was not an independent sovereign, but only a viceroy of 
some other king. 

15. The kingdom of Phegelas or Phegeus : 

It lay between the Hydraotes (Ravi) and the Hyphasis 
(Bias). The name of the king Phegelas, probably re- 
presents the Sanskrit Bhagala — the name of a royal 
race of Kshatriyas mentioned in the GanapHtba (Invasion 
of Alexander, p. 401). 

16. The Siboi : 

They were the inhabitants of the Shorkot region in 
Jhang. They were probably identical with the Siva people 
mentioned in a passage of the Rig Veda (VII. 18.7) where 
they share with the Alinas, Pakthas, Bhalanases, and 
Visanins the honour of being defeated by Sudas (Vedic 
Index, Vol. II, pp. 381-382). The Jatakas mention a Sivi 
country and its cities Aritthapura (Ummadanti Jataka, 
No. 527 ; cf. Panini VI. 2. 100) and Jetuttara (Vessantara 
Jataka No. 547). It is probable that Siva, Sivi and Siboi 
were one and the same people. A place called Siva-pura, 
is mentioned by the Scholiast on Panini as situated in the 
northern country (Ved. Ind., II, p. 382). It is, doubt- 
less, identical with Sibipura mentioned in a Shorkot 
inscription edited by Vogel. In the opinion of that 
scholar the mound of Shorkot marks the site of this 
city of the Sibis. (Ep. Ind., 1921, p. 16.) 

The Siboi dressed themselves with the skins of wild 
beasts, and had clubs for their weapons. The nation 
had 40,000 foot soldiers in the time of Alexander. 

The Mahabharata (III. 130-131) refers to a rashtra 
of the Sivis ruled by king Us'lnara, which lay not far 
from the Yamuna. It is not altogether improbable that 


the Usinara country (vide pp. 27, 28 ante) was at one time 
the home of the $ivis. We find them also in Madhyamika 
in Rajaputana (Carm. Lee. 1918, p. 173). 

17. The Agalassoi : 
They lived near the Siboi. 

18. The Sudracae or Oxydrakai : 

They dwelt on the banks of the Hyphasis (Bias). Their 
name represents the Sanskrit Kshudraka(Mbh. VII. 68.9). 

19. The Malloi : 

They occupied the valley of the Hydraotes (Ravi), on 
both banks of the river. Their name represents the 
Sanskrit Malava. Weber informs us that Apisali, one 
of the teachers cited by Panini, speaks of the formation 
of the compound — " Kshaudraka-Malava." Dr. Smith 
pointed out that the Mahabharata coupled the tribes in 
question as forming part of the Kaurava host in the 
Kurukshetra war (EHL, 1914, p. 94 n ; Mbh. VI. 59.135). 
Curtius tells us (Invasion of Alexander, p. 234) that the 
Sudracae and the Malli had an army consisting of 90,000 
foot soldiers, 10,000 cavalry and 900 war chariots. 

According to Sir R. G. Bhandarkar Panini refers to 
the Malavas as living by the profession of arms (Ind. 
Ant., 1913, p. 200). In later times the Malavas are found 
in Rajaputana, Avanti and the Mahl valley. 

20. The Abastanoi : 

Diodorus calls them the Sambastai (Invasion of Alex- 
ander, p. 292), Arrian Abastanoi, Curtius Sabarcae, and 
Orosius Sabagrae. They were settled on the lower Akc- 
sines. Their name represents the Sanskrit Ambashtha. The 
Ambashthas are mentioned in several Sanskrit works. An 
Ambashtha king is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana 
(VIII. 21) whose priest was Narada. The Mahabharata 
(II. 52. 14-15) mentions the Ambashthas along with the 
6ivis,Kshudrakas, Malavas and other north-western tribes. 
In the Barhaspatya Arthasastra (Ed. F. W. Thomas 


p. 21) the Ambashtha country is mentioned in conjunction 
with Sind : 


In the Ambattha Sutta (Dialogues of the Buddha, 
Part I, p. 109) an Ambattha is called a Brahmana. In the 
Smriti literature, on the other hand, Ambashtha denotes 
a man of mixed Brahmana and Vaisya parentage. Ac- 
cording to Jataka IV. 363 the Ambatthas were farmers. 
It seems that the Ambashthas were a tribe who were at 
first mainly a fighting race, but some of whom took to other 
occupations, viz., those of priests, farmers, and according to 
the Smriti writers, physicians (Ambashthanam chikitsitam, 
Manu, X. 47). 

In the time of Alexander the Ambashthas were a 
powerful tribe having a democratic government. Their 
army consisted of 60,000 foot, 6,000 cavalry and 500 
chariots (Invasion of Alexander, p. 252). 

21. The Xathroi and the Ossadioi : 

The Xathroi are according to M'Crindle (Invasion 
of Alexander, p. ? 56 n.) the Kshatri of Sanskrit mentioned 
in the Laws of Manu as an impure tribe, being of mixed 
origin. V. de Saint-Martin suggests that in the Ossadioi 
we have the Vasati of the Mahabharata (VII. 19.11 ; 
89.37; VIII. 44.46). 

22. The Sodrai (Sogdoi) and the Massanoi (occupying 
N. Sind). 

23. The kingdom of Mousikanos : 

It included a large part of modern Sind. Its capital 
has been identified with Alor in the Sukkur district. The 
following peculiarities of the inhabitants of the kingdom of 
Mousikanos are noticed by Strabo (H. and F., Ill, p. 96) : 
" The following are their peculiarities : to have a 
kind of Lacedaemonian common meal, where they eat 
in public. Their food consists of what is taken in the 
chase. They make no use of gold nor silver, although 


they have mines of these metals. Instead of slaves, they 
employed youths in the flower of their age, as the 
Cretans employ the Aphamiotse, and the Lacedaemo- 
nians the Helots. They study no science with attention 
but that of medicine ; for they consider the excessive 
pursuit of some arts, as that of war, and the like, to be 
committing evil. There is no process at law but against 
murder and outrage, for it is not in a person's own power 
to escape either one or the other ; but as contracts are in 
the power of each individual, he must endure the wrong, 
if good faith is violated by another ; for a man should 
be cautious whom he trusts, and not disturb the city 
with constant disputes in courts of justice." 

From the account left by Arrian it appears that the 
" Brachmans,*' i. <?., the Brahmanas exercised considerable 
influence in the country. They were the instigators of 
a revolt against the Macedonian invader (Chinnock, 
Arrian, p. 319). 

24. The principality of Oxykanos : 

Curtius calls the subjects of Oxykanos the Praesti 
(Proshthas ? Mbh. VI. 9.61). Oxykanos himself is called 
both by Strabo and Diodoros Portikanos. Cunningham 
places his territory to the west of the Indus in the level 
country around Larkhana (Invasion of Alexander, p. 158). 

25. The principality of Sambos : 

Sambos was the ruler of a mountainous country 
adjoining the kingdom of Mousikanos, with whom 
he was at feud. His capital, called Sindimana, has been 
identified with Sehwan, a city on the Indus (M'Crindle, 
Invasion of Alexander, p. 404). 

26. Patalene : 

It was the Indus delta, and took its name from the 
capital city, Patala, at or near the site of Brahmanabad. 

Diodorus tells us (Inv. Alex., p. 296) that Tauala 
(Patala) had a political constitution drawn on the same 


lines as the Spartan ; for in this community the command 
in war was vested in two hereditary kings of different 
houses, while a Council of Elders ruled the whole state 
with paramount authority. One of the kings in the time 
of Alexander was called Moeres (Inv. Alex., p. 256). 

The states described above had little tendency to 
unity or combination. Curtius tells us (Inv. Alex., p. 202) 
that Ambhi, king of Taxila, was at war with Abisares and 
Poros. Arrian informs us that Poros and Abisares were 
not only enemies of Taxila but also of the neighbouring 
autonomous tribes. On one occasion the two kings 
marched against the Kshudrakas and the Malavas 
(Chinnock, Arrian, p. 279). Arrian further tells us that 
the relations between Poros and his nephew were far from 
friendly. Sambos and Mousikanos were also on hostile 
terms. Owing to these struggles and dissensions amongst 
the petty states, an invader had no common resistance to 
fear ; and he could be assured that many would welcome 
him out of hatred for their neighbours. 

The Nandas of Magadha do not appear to have made 
any attempt to subjugate these states of the Uttarapatha. 
The task of reducing them was reserved for a foreign 
conqueror, viz., Alexander of Macedon. The tale of 
Alexander's conquest has been told by many historians 
including Arrian, Q. Curtius Ilufus, Diodoros Siculus, 
Plutarch and Justin. We learn from Curtius that 
Scythians and Dahae served in the Macedonian army 
(Inv. Alex., p. 208). The expedition led by Alexander 
was thus a combined $aka-Yavana expedition. The 
invader met with no such general confederacy of the 
native powers like the one formed by the East Indian states 
against Kunika-Ajatasatru. On the contrary he obtained 
assistance from many important chiefs like Ambhi of 
Taxila, Sangaeus (Saiijaya ?) of Pushkaravati, Kophaios 
or Cophaeus, Assagetes (As'vajit ?), Sisikottos (Sasigupta) 


who got as his reward the satrapy of the Assakenians (Inv. 
Alex., p. 112). The only princes or peoples who thought 
of combining against the invader were Poros and Abisares, 
and the Malavas (Malloi), Kshudrakas (Oxydrakai), and 
the neighbouring autonomous tribes. Even in the latter 
case personal jealousies prevented any effective results. 
Alexander met with stubborn resistance from individual 
chiefs and clans, notably from Astes (Hasti ?), the Aspa- 
sians, the Assakenians, the elder Poros, the Kathaians, the 
Malloi, the Oxydrakai, and the Brahmanas of the king- 
dom of Mousikanos. Massaga, the stronghold of the 
Assakenians, was stormed with great difficulty, Poros was 
defeated on the banks of the Hydaspes (B. C. 326), the 
Malloi and the Oxydrakai were also no doubt crushed. 
But Alexander found that his Indian antagonists were 
different from the effete troops of Persia. Diodoros 
informs us (Inv. Alex., p. 270) that at Massaga, where 
Alexander treacherously massacred the mercenaries, 
" the women, taking the arms of the fallen, fought side 
by side with the men." Poros, when he saw most of his 
forces scattered, his elephants lying dead or straying 
riderless, did not flee — as Darius Codomannus had twice 
fled— but remained fighting, seated on an elephant of 
commanding height, and received nine wounds before he 
was taken prisoner (cf. Bury, Greece, pp. 428-429). The 
Malloi almost succeeded in killing the Macedonian king. 
But all this was of no avail. A disunited people could not 
long resist the united forces of the Hellenic world led by 
the greatest captain of ancient Europe. Alexander suc- 
ceeded in conquering the old Persian satrapies of Gandhara 
and " India," but was unable to try conclusions with 
Agrammes king of the Gangaridae and the Prasii, i. e. y the 
last Nanda king of Magadha and the other Gangetic 
provinces. Plutarch informs us that the battle with Poros 
depressed the spirits of the Macedonians and made them 


very unwilling to advance further into India. Moreover 
they were afraid of the " Gandaritai and the Praisiai" who 
were reported to be waiting for Alexander with an army 
of 80,000 horse, 200,000 foot, 8,000 war-chariots and 6,000 
fighting elephants. Asa majtter of fact when Alexander 
was retreating through Kar/nania he received a report that 
his satrap Philippos had been murdered. Shortly afterwards 
the Macedonian garrison was overpowered. The departure 
of Eudemos (cir. 317 B. C.) marks the final collapse of 
the Macedonian attempt to establish an empire in India. 

The only permanent effect of Alexander's raid seems 
to have been the establishment of a number of Yona 
settlements in the Uttarapatha. The most important of 
these settlements were : 

1. The city of Alexandria in the land of the Parapa- 
nisadae, i. e. y the Kabul region. 

2. Nikaia, where the battle with Poros took place. 

3. Boukephala, on the spot whence the Macedonian 
king had started to cross the Hydaspes (Jihlam). 

4. Alexandria in Sind, in the vicinity of the countries 
of the Sodrai or Sogdoi, and Massanoi, who occupied the 
banks of the Indus (Inv. Alex., pp. 293, 354). 

As'oka recognised the existence of Yona settlers on the 
northern fringe of his empire. Boukephala Alexandria flour- 
ished as late as the time of the Periplus of the Erythraean 
Sea (Schoff's Ed., p. 41). One of the Alexandrias (Alasanda) 
is mentioned in the Mahavamsa (Geiger's Ed., p. 194). 

Alexander's invasion produced one indirect result. It 
helped the cause of Indian unity by destroying the power 
of the petty states of north-west India, just as the Danish 
invasion helped the union of England under Wessex by 
destroying the independence of Northumbria and Mercia. 
If Ugrasena-Mahapadma was the precursor of Chandra- 
gupta Maurya in the east, Alexander was the forerunner 
of that emperor in the north-west, 


1. The Reign op Chandragupta Matjrta. 

In B. C. 326 the flood of Macedonian invasion had 
overwhelmed the Indian states of the Pafijab, and was 
threatening to burst upon the Madhyadesa. Agrammes 
was confronted with a crisis not unlike that which 
Arrainius had to face when Varus carried the Roman 
Eagle to the Teutoburg Forest, or which Charles Martel 
had to face when the Saracens carried the Crescent to 
the field of Tours. The question whether India was, or was 
not, to be Hellenized awaited decision. 

Agrammes was fortunate enough to escape the 
onslaught of Alexander. But it is doubtful whether he 
had the ability or perhaps the inclination to play the 
part of an Arminius or a Charles Martel, had the occasion 
arisen. But there was at this time another Indian who 
was made of a different stuff. This was Chandragupta, 
the Sandrocottus of the classical writers. The rise of 
Chandragupta is thus described by Justin (Watson's Ed., 
p. 142) : 

" India after the death of Alexander had shaken, as 
it were, the yoke of servitude from its neck and put his 
governors to death. The author of this liberation was 
Sandrocottus. This man was of mean origin but was stimu- 
lated to aspire to regal power by supernatural encourage- 
ment ; for having offended Alexander by his boldness of 
speech and orders being given to kill him, he saved himself 
by swiftness of foot ; and while lie was lying asleep, after 
his fatigue, a lion of great size having come up to him 
licked off with his tongue the sweat that was running from 
him, and after gently waking him, left him. Being first 


prompted by this prodigy to conceive hopes of royal dignity 
he drew together a band of robbers, and solicited the 
Indians to support his new sovereignty. Sometime after, 
as he was going to war with the generals of Alexander, a 
wild elephant of great bulk presented itself before him 
of its own accord and, as tamed down to gentleness, took 
him on his back and became his guide in the war and 
conspicuous in fields of battle. Sandrocottus having 
thus acquired a throne was in possession of India 
when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future 

The above account, shorn of its marvellous element, 
amounts to this, that Chandragupta, a man of non- 
monarchical rank, placed himself at the head of the 
Indians who chafed under the Macedonian yoke, and 
after Alexander's departure defeated his generals and 
" shook the yoke of servitude from the neck " of India. 
The verdict of the battle of the Hydaspes was thus reversed. 

The ancestry of Chandragupta is not known for 
certain. Hindu tradition connects him with the Nanda 
dynasty of Magadha. Jaina tradition recorded in the 
Parisishtaparvan (p. 56) represents him as the son of 
a daughter of the chief of the village of Mayuraposhaka. 
The Mahavamsa (Geiger's Translation, p. 27) calls him 
a scion of the Moriya clan. In the Divyavadana (Cowell 
and Neil's Ed., p. 370) Bindusara, the son of Chandra- 
gupta, claims to be a Kshatriya Murdhabhishikta. In 
the same work (p. 409) Asoka, the son of Bindusara, calls 
himself a Kshatriya. In the Mahaparinibbana Sutta 
(SBE. XI, pp. 134-35) the Moriyas are represented as the 
ruling clan of Pipphalivana, and as belonging to the 
Kshatriya caste. As the Mahaparinibbana Sutta is 
the most ancient of the works referred to above, and «vs 
it belongs to the early Buddhist period its evidence 
must be accepted as authentic. It is, therefore, practically 


certain that Chandragupta belonged to a Kshatriya 
community, viz., the Moriya (Maurya) clan. 

In the sixth century B. C. the Moriyas were the 
ruling clan of the little republic of Pipphalivana. 
They must have been absorbed into the Magadhan 
empire along with the other states of Eastern India. 
During the inglorious reign of Agrammes, when there 
was general disaffection amongst his subject", the 
Moriyas evidently came into prominence, probably under 
the leadership of Chandragupta. The Moriyas were no 
longer ruler, and were merely Magadhan subjects. 
It is, therefore, not at all surprising that Justin calls 
Chandragupta a man of humble origin. Plutarch, as well 
as Justin, informs us that Chandragupta paid a visit to 
Alexander. Plutarch says (Life of Alexander, LXII) 
"Androkottus himself, who was then a lad, saw Alexander 
himself and afterwards used to declare that Alexander 
might easily have conquered the whole country, as the then 
king was hated by his subjects on account of his mean 
and wicked disposition." Prom this passage it is not 
unreasonable to infer that Chandragupta visited Alexander 
with the intention of inducing the conqueror to put 
an end to the rule of the tyrant of Magadha. His 
conduct may be compared to that of Rana Sangrama 
Sinha who invited Babar to put an end to the rule of 
Ibrahim Lodi. Apparently Chandragupta found Alexander 
as great a tyrant as Agrammes, for we learn from 
Justin that the Macedonian king did not scruple to 
give orders to kill the intrepid Indian lad for his 
boldness of speech. Chandragupta apparently thought 
of ridding his country of both the tyrants, Macedonian 
as well as Indian. With the help of Kautilya, also called 
Chanakya or Vishnugupta, he overthrew the infamous 
Nanda. Traditional accounts of the conflict between 
Chandragupta and the last Nanda are preserved in the 


Milindapanho, the Puranas, the Mudrarakshasa and the 
Jaina Paris'ishtaparvan. The Milindapanho (SBE, Vol. 
XXXVI, p. 147) tells us that the Nanda army was 
commanded by Bhaddasaia. The Nanda troops were 
evidently defeated with great slaughter, an exaggerated 
account of which is preserved in the Milindapanho. 

" Sometime after " his acquisition of sovereignty, 
Chandragupta went to war with the prefects or generals 
of Alexander (cf. Smith, Asoka, third edition, p. 14 n.) 
and crushed their power. 

The overthrow of the Nandas, and the liberation of 
the Panjab were not the only achievements of the great 
Maurya. Plutarch tells us (Alex. LXII) that he overran 
and subdued the whole of India Avith an army of 600,000 
men. Justin also informs us that he was " in possession of 
India." In his " Beginnings of South Indian History," 
Chapter II, Prof. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar shows that 
Mamulanar, an ancient Tamil author, makes frequent 
allusions to the Mauryas in the past having penetrated 
w r ith a great army as far as the Podiyil Hill in the Tinne- 
velly district. The statements of this author are supported 
by Paranar or Param Korranar and Kallil Attirai- 
yanar. The advanced party of the invasion was 
composed of a warlike people called Kosar (Kos'alas ?). 
The invaders advanced from the Konkan passing the 
hills Elilmalai, about sixteen miles north of Cannanore, 
and entered the Kongu (Coimbatore) district, ultimately 
going as far as the Podiyil Hill. Unfortunately the 
name of the Maurya leader is not given. But the 
expression " Vamba Moriyar" or Maurya upstarts 
(Beginnings of South Indian History, p. 89) would seem 
to suggest that the first Maurya, i.e., Chandragupta was 

Certain Mysore Inscriptions refer to Chandragupta's 
rule in north Mysore. Thus one inscription says that 


Nagakhanda in the Shikarpur Taluq was protected by 
the wise Ghandragupta, " an abode of the usages of eminent 
Kshatriyas " (Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, 
p. 10). This is of the fourteenth century and little 
reliance can be placed upon it. But when the statements 
of Plutarch, Justin, Mamulanar, and the Mysore inscrip- 
tions referred to by Rice, are read together they seem to 
suggest that the first Maurya did conquer a considerable 
portion of trans Vindhyan India. 

Whatever we may think of Chandragupta's connection 
with Southern India, there can be no doubt that he 
pushed his conquests as far as Surashtra in Western 
India. The Junagadh Rock Inscription of the Maha- 
kshatrapa Rudradaman refers to his Rashtriya, or High 
Commissioner, Pushyagupta, the Vais'ya, who constructed 
the famous Sudarsana Lake. 

The Seleukidan War. 

We learn from Justin (Watson's Ed., p. 143) that 
when Chandragupta was in possession of India Seleukos 
(Seleucus), a general of Alexander, was laying the founda- 
tions of his future greatness. Seleukos was the son of 
Antiochus, a distinguished general of Philip of Macedon, 
and his wife Laodice. After the division of the Macedonian 
Empire among the followers of Alexander he carried on 
several wars in the east. He first took Babylon, and 
then, his strength being increased by this success, subdued 
the Bactrians. He next made an expedition into India. 
Appianus says (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI, p. 114) that he crossed 
the Indus and waged war on Chandragupta, king of the 
Indians until he made frieuds and entered into relations 
of marriage with him. Justin also says that after making 
a league with Chandragupta, and settling his affairs in the 
east, Seleukos proceeded to join in the war against 


Antigonus. Plutarch supplies us with the information 
that Chandragupta presented 500 elephants to Seleukos. 
More important details are given by Strabo who says 
(H. &E., Ill, p. 125): 

" The Indians occupy (in part) some of the countries 
situated along the Indus, which formerly belonged to the 
Persians: Alexander deprived the Ariani of them, and 
established there settlements of his own. But Seleucus 
Nicator gave them to Sandrocottus in consequence of a 
marriage contract, and received in turn 500 elephants." 
" The Indians occupied a larger portion of Ariana, 
which they had received from the Macedonians." Ibid, 
p. 78. 

It will be seen that the classical writers do not give 
any detailed record of the actual conflict between Seleukos 
and Chandragupta. They merely speak of the results. 
There can be no doubt that the invader could not make 
much headway, and concluded an alliance which was 
cemented by a marriage contract. In his Asoka (Third 
Ed., p. 15) Dr. Smith rightly observes that the current 
notion that the Syrian king ' gave his daughter in marriage i 
to Chandragupta is not warranted by the evidence, which 
testifies merely to a ' matrimonial alliance.' The Indian 
Emperor obtained some of the countries situated along 
the Indus which formerly belonged to the Persians, 
together with the larger portion of Ariana, giving in 
exchange the comparatively small recompense of 500 
elephants. Dr. Smith adduces good grounds for believing 
that the territory ceded by the Syrian king included the 
four satrapies. Aria, Arachosia, Gedrosia and the Paro- 
panisadai, i. e., Herat, Kandahar, Makran and Kabul. 
The inclusion of the Kabul valley within the Maurya 
Empire is proved by the inscriptions of Asoka, the grandson 
of Chandragupta, which speak of the Yonas and Gandbaras 
as vassals of the Empire. 



We learn from the classical writers that after the war 
the Syrian and Indian emperors lived on friendly terms. 
Athenaios tells us that Chandragupta sent presents 
including certain powerful aphrodisiacs to the Syrian 
monarch (In v. Alex., p. 405). Seleukos sent an envoy to 
the Maurya court, whose name was Megasthenes. Arrian 
tells us (Chinnock's Ed., p. 254) that Megasthenes origin- 
ally lived with Sihyrtios the satrap of Arachosia. He was 
sent from thence to Pataliputra where he often visited 
the Maurya Emperor, and wrote a history on Indian 
affairs. The work of Megasthenes has heen lost. The 
fragments that survive in quotations by later authors 
like Strabo, Arrian and others, have been collected by 
Schwanbeck, and translated by M'Crindle. As Professor 
Rhys Davids observes, Megasthenes possessed very little 
critical judgment, and was, therefore, often misled by 
wrong information received from others. But he is 
a truthful witness concerning matters which came under 
his personal observation. The most important piece of 
information supplied by him is, as Rhys Davids has 
pointed out, the description of Pataliputra which Arrian 
quotes in Chapter X of his Indica : 

11 The largest city in India, named Palimbothra, is in 
the land of the Prasians, where is the confluence of the 
river Erannobaos and the Ganges, which is the greatest 
of rivers. The Erannobaos would be third of the Indian 

rivers Megasthenes says that on one side 

where it is longest this city extends 80 stades (9J miles) 
in length, and that its breadth is fifteen (1J miles) ; that 
the city has been surrounded with a ditch in breadth 6 
plethra (606 feet), and in depth 30 cubits ; and that its 
wall has 570 towers and 64 gates." 


There were many other cities in the empire besides 
Pataliputra. Arrian says " it would not be possible to record 
with accuracy the number of their cities on account of 
their multiplicity. Those which are situated near the rivers 
or the sea are built of wood ; for if they were built of brick 
they could not long endure on account of the rain and 
because the rivers overflowing their banks fill the plains 
with water. But those which have been founded in 
commanding places, lofty and raised above the adjacent 
country, are built of brick and mortar." The most 
important cities of Chandragupta's empire, besides the 
metropolis, were Taxila and Ujjain. 

jElian gives the following account of the palace of 
Chandragupta. " In the Indian royal palace where the 
greatest of all the kings of the country resides, besides much 
else which is calculated to excite admiration, and with which 
neither Susa, nor Ekbatana can vie (for, methinks, only 
the well-known vanity of the Persians could prompt such 
a comparison), there are other wonders besides. In the 
parks tame peacocks are kept, and pheasants which have 
been domesticated ; there are shady groves and pasture 
grounds planted with trees, and branches of trees which 
the art of the woodsman has deftly interwoven; while 
some trees are native to the soil, others are brought from 
other parts, and with their beauty enhance the charms 
of the landscape. Parrots are natives of the country, 
and keep hovering about the king and wheeling round 
him, and vast though their numbers be, no Indian ever 
eats a parrot. The Brachmans honour them highly 
above all other birds — because the parrot alone can 
imitate human speech. Within the palace grounds are 
artificial ponds in which they keep fish of enormous size but 
quite tame. No one has permission to fish for these 
except the king's sons while yet in their boyhood. These 


youngsters amuse themselves while fishing in the unruffled 
sheet of water and learning how to sail their boats." ' 

The imperial palace probably stood close to the modern 
village of Kumrahar (Smith, The Oxford History of 
India, p. 77). The unearthing of the ruins of the Maurya 
piliar-hall and palace near Kumrahar, said to have been 
built on the model of the throne room and palace of 
Darius at Persepolis, has led Dr. Spooner to propound the 
theory that the Mauryas were Zoroastrians (JRAS, 1915, 
pp. 63 ff,405 If). Dr. Smith observes that the resemblance 
of the Maurya buildings with the Persian palace at Perse- 
polis is not yet definitely established. Besides, as Professor 
Chanda observed, " Ethnologists do not recognize high class 
architecture as test of race, and in the opinion of experts the 
buildings of Darius and Xerxes at Persepolis are not Persian 
in style, but are mainly dependent on Babylonian 
models and bear traces of the influence of Greece, Egypt 
and Asia Minor.'' 

We learn from Strabo (H. &F.'s Ed., Vol. Ill, p. 106 ; 
of. Smith, EM, p. 123) that the king usually remained 
within the palace under the protection of female guards 
(cf. strl ganair dhanvibhih of the Arthasastra) and appeared 
in public only on four occasions, viz , in time of war ; to 
sit in his court as a judge ; to offer sacrifice ; and to go on 
hunting expeditions. 

Chandragupta's Government. 

Chandragupta was not only a great soldier and con- 
queror, but a great administrator. Kautilya and 
Megasthenes have left detailed accounts of his system of 
government, and the edicts of his grandson Asoka con- 
firm in many respects the particulars of the organisation 

1 M'Crindle, Ancient India as described in Classical Literature, pp. 141-42. 


of the empire given by the great minister and the 
distinguished envoy. 

The supreme Government consisted of two main parts : 

1. The Raja., and 

2. the Mahamatras, Amatyas or Sachivas. 

The llaja or sovereign was the head of the state. He 
had military, judicial, legislative, as well as executive 
functions. We have already seen that one of the occasions 
when he left his palace was war (cf. Kautilya, Bk. X). *He 
considered plans of military operations with his Senapati 
(Kaut, p. 38). 

He also sat in his court to administer justice. " He 
remains there all day thus occupied, not suffering 
himself to be interrupted even though the time arrives 
for attending to his person. This attention to his 
person consists of friction with pieces of wood, and he 
continues to listen to the cause, while the friction is 
performed by four attendants who surround him" (H. &F., 
Strabo, III, pp. 106-107). Kautilya says (Shamasastry's 
translation, p. 13), " when in the court, he (the king) shall 
never cause his petitioners to wait at the door, for when 
a king makes himself inaccessible to his people and 
entrusts his work to his immediate officers, he may be 
sure to engender confusion in business, and to cause 
thereby public disaffection, and himself a prey to his 
enemies. He shall, therefore, personally attend to the 
business of gods, of heretics, of Brahmanas learned in the 
Vedas, of cattle, of sacred places, of minors, the aged, the 
afflicted, the helpless and of women ; — all this iu order 
(of enumeration) or according to the urgency or pressure 
of those works. All urgent calls he shall hear at once. 

As to the king's legislative function we should note 
that Kautilya (Bk. Ill, Chap. I) calls him " dharmapravar- 
taka," and includes ltajas'asanaamong the sources of law. 


Among executive functions of the king, Kautilya 
(Bk. I, Ch. XVI ; XVIII ; Bk. VIII, Ch. I) mentions the 
posting of watchmen, attending to the accounts of receipts 
and expenditure, appointment of ministers, priests and 
superintendents, corresponding with the Mantriparishad, 
collection of the secret information gathered by spies, 
reception of envoys, etc. 

Kautilya holds that Rajatva (sovereignty) is possible 
only, with assistance. A single wheel can never move. 
Hence the king shall employ Sachivas and hear their 
opinion. The Sachivas or Amatyas of Kautilya correspond 
to the "seventh caste "of Megasthenes which assisted the 
king in deliberating on public affairs. This class was 
small in number, but in wisdom and justice excelled all 
the others (Chinnock, Arrian, p. 413). 

The most important amongst the Sachivas or Amatyas 
were undoubtedly the Mantrins or High Ministers. They 
were selected from those Amatyas whose character had 
been tested under all kinds of allurements (Sarvopadha 
suddhan Mantrinah kuryat, Arthasastra, p. 17). They 
were given the highest salary, viz., 48,000 panas per 
annum (ibid, p. 247). They assisted the king in 
examining the character of the Amatyas who were 
employed in ordinary departments (ibid, p. 16). All 
kinds of administrative measures were preceded by 
consultation with three or four of them (ibid, pp. 26, 28). 
In works of emergency (atyayike karye) they were 
summoned along with the Mantriparishad ( ibid, p. 29). 
They exercised a certain amount of control over the 
Imperial Princes {ibid, p. 333). They accompanied the 
king to the battlefield, and gave encouragement to the 
troops (ibid, p. 368). Kautilya was evidently one of 
these Mantrins. That there were more than one Mantrin 
is proved by the use of the plural Mantrinafc. 


In addition to the Mantrins there was the Mantri- 
parishad or Assembly of Imperial Councillors. The 
existence of the Parishad as an important element of 
the Maurya constitution is proved not only by the 
Arthasastra but by the third- and sixth Rock Edicts of 
As'oka. The members of the Mantriparishad were not 
identical with the Mantrins. In several passages of 
Kautilya's Arthasastra the Mantrins are sharply dis- 
tinguished from the Mantriparishad (cf. pp. 20, 29, 24.7). 
The latter evidently occupied an inferior position. Their 
salary was only 12,000 panas whereas the salary of a 
Mantri was 48,000. They do not appear to have been 
consulted on ordinary occasions, but were summoned along 
with the Mantrins when Atyayika karya, i.e., works of 
emergency had to be transacted. The king was to be 
guided by the decision of the majority (Bhuyishthah). 
They also attended the king at the time of the reception 
of envoys (p. 45). From the passage " Mantriparishadam 
dvadasamatyan kurvita" it appears that the Parishad 
used to be recruited from all kinds of Amatyas (not 
necessarily from Mantrins). Prom Kautilya's denunciation 
of a king with a " Kshudraparishad " (p. 259), his 
rejection of the views of the Manavas, Barhaspatyas 
and the Ausanasas, and his reference to Indra's 
Parishad of a thousand llishis, it may be presumed 
that his master was prevailed upon to constitute a fairly 
big assembly. 

Besides the Mantrins and the Mantriparishad, there 
was another class of Amatvas who tilled the ^reat ad- 
ministrative and judicial appointments. Kautilya says 
(p. 1 7) that the " dharmopadhasuddha " Amatyas should be 
employed in civil and criminal courts ; the " arthopadha- 
s'uddha " Amatyas should be employed as Samahartri and 
Sannidhatri, the "kamopadhasuddha" Amatyas should be 


appointed to superintend the pleasure grounds, the 
" bhayopadhas'uddha " Amatyas should be appointed to 
immediate service (asanna karya) while those who are 
proved impure should he employed in mines, timber and 
elephant forests, and manufactories. Untried Amatyas 
were to be employed in ordinary departments (samanya 
adhikarana). Persons endowed with the qualifications 
required in an Amatya (Amatya sampadopeta) were 
appointed Nisrishtarthah (ministers plenipotentiary), 
Lekhakas or Ministers of Correspondence, and Adhyakshas 
or Superintendents. 

The statements of Kautilya regarding the employment 
of Amatyas as the chief executive and judicial officers, 
are confirmed by the classical writers. Arrian says " from 
them are chosen their rulers, governors of provinces, 
deputies, treasurers, generals, admirals, controllers of 
expenditure, and superintendents of agriculture." Strabo 
also observes (H. and F. Vol. Ill, p. 103) "the seventh 
caste consists of counsellors and assessors of the king. 
To these persons belong the offices of state, tribunals of 
justice, and the whole administration of affairs." 

The Adhyakshas who formed the pivot of the Maurya 
administration, are evidently referred to by Strabo as 
Magistrates in the following passage : 

" Of the Magistrates, some have the charge of the 
market, others of the city, others of the soldiery. Some 
have the care of the rivers, measure the land, as in Egypt, 
and inspect the closed reservoirs, from which water is 
distributed by canals, so that all may have an equal use 
of it. These persons have charge also of the hunters, and 
have the power of rewarding or punishing those who 
merit either. They collect the taxes, and superintend 
the occupations connected with land, as wood-cutters, 
carpenters, workers in brass, and miners. They superintend 


the public roads, and place a pillar at every ten stadia, 
to indicate the by-ways and distances. Those who have 
charge of the city are divided into six bodies of five 
each. 1 Next to the Magistrates of the city is a third body 
of governors, who have the- care of military affairs. This 
class also consists of six divisions, each composed of five 
persons." 2 

The Magistrates in charge of the city and those in 
charge of military affairs are evidently the same as the 
Nagaradhyakshas and Baladhyakshas of the Arthasastra 
(Mysore Ed., 1919, p. 55. Nagara Dhanya Vyavabarika 
Karmantika Baladhyakshah). Dr. Smith remarks (EHL, 
1914, p. 141) "the Boards described by Megasthenes as 
in charge of the business of the capital and the army are 
unknown to the author (Kautilya), who contemplated each 
such charge as the duty of a single officer. The crea- 
tion of the Boards may have been an innovation effected 
by Chandragupta personally." But the historian overlooks 
the fact that Kautilya distinctly says " Bahumukhyam 
anityam chadhikaranam sthapayet " each department 
shall be officered by several temporary heads 3 ; 
" Adhyakshah Sankhyayaka Lekhaka Rupadars'aka Nivi- 
grahakottaradhyakshasakhah karmani kuryuh." Evident- 
ly Dr. Smith notices only the Adhyakshas but ignores 
the existence of the Uttaradhyakshas and others. 
As in regard to the Arthasastra Smith notices only the 
Adhyakshas, so in regard to the classical accounts he 

1 Each body was responsible for one of the following departments, viz., the mecha- 
nical arts, foreign residents, registration of births nnd deaths, Bales and exchanges, 
supervision of artisans, and collection of tithes on sales. 

1 Each division or Board was responsible for one of the following departments, 
vis., the navy, trnnsport and commissariat, (cf Vifhti Karmani of Kautilya, Bk. 
X., Ch. IV) the infantry, the cavalry, the chariots and the elephants. 

• Arthasastra, 1919, p. 69. On page 57 we hsve the following passage — Hasty - 
aSvarathapadatamanekamukhyamavasthapayet, t. «., elephants, cavalry, chariots, and 
infantry shall each be placed under many chiefs. 


takes note only of the Boards, but ignores the chiefs who 
are expressly mentioned in two passages, viz. — (H. & F. 
Strabo, III, p. 104) : 

"One division is associated with the Chief Naval 
Superintendent" " another (division) is associated with 
the person who has the charge of the bullock-teams." The 
Chief Naval Superintendent and the Person in Charge of 
the Bullock-teams, doubtless, correspond to the Nava- 
dhyaksha and Go'adhyaksha of the Arthasastra. 

The central popular assemblies like those that existed 
amoug the Lichchhavis, Mallas, &akyas and other Saiighas 
had no place in the M aurya constitution. The custom of 
summoning a great assembly of Gramikas seems also to 
have fallen into disuse. 

Provincial Government. 

The Empire was divided into a number of provinces, 
because " no single administration could support the 
Atlantean load." The exact number of provinces in 
Chandragupta's time is unknown. In the time of his 
grandson Asoka there were at least five, viz. : 

1. Uttarapatha ... capital, Taxila 

2. Avanti ... „ Ujjayini 

3. Dakshiriaj atlia ... „ Suvarnagiri (?) 

4. Kalinga ... „ Tosali 

5. Prachja (Prasii) ... „ Pataliputra 

Of these only the first two and the last one can be 
said, with any amount of certainty, to have formed parts 
of Chandragupta's Empire. But it is not altogether im- 
probable that Dakshinapatha, too, was one of Chandra- 
gupta's provinces. The outlying provinces were ruled 
by princes of the blood royal who were styled Kumaras. 
We learn from Kautilya's Arthasastra (p. 247) that the 
salary of a Kumara was 12,000 panas per annum. 


The Homo Provinces, i.o.> Prachyaand the Madhyadesa, 
were directly ruled by the Emperor himself. 

Besides the Imperial Provinces Maury a India included 
a number of territories which enjoyed a certain amount 
of autonomy. Arrian refers' to cities which enjoyed a 
democratic Government (Chinnock, Arrian, p. d«13). 
Kautilya (p. 378) refers to a number of Saiighas, <?. #., 
Kamboja, Suriishtra, etc. The Kambojasare referred to as 
an autonomous tribe even in the Thirteenth Rock Edict of 
Asoka. That Surashtra was also autonomous in the time 
of Asoka seems probable from Rudradaman's inscription at 
Junagadh which refers to its Raja, the Yavana Tushaspha, 
the contemporary and vassal of As'oka. The Yavanaraja 
was probably a Greek chief of the North-West who wftfl 
appointed supervisor of the Surashtra Saiigha by As'oka, 
just as Raja Mansingh of Amber was appointed Suhadara 
of Bengal by Akbar. His title of Raja probably indicates 
that he enjoyed a certain amount of autonomy. His 
relations with Asoka remind us of the relationship 
subsisting between the Raja of the &akya state and 
Pasenadi. In the time of the first JVlaurva Surashtra 
had an officer named Pushyagupta, the Vaisya, who is 
described as a Rashtriya of Chandragupta. In the Bombay 
Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, p. 13, the word Rashtriya was 
taken to mean a brother-in-law. Kielhorn, however, in the 
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, p. 4G, took the term to 
mean a provincial governor. This meaning does not 
seem to he quite satisfactory because we have already 
seen that Surashtra was very probably an autonomous 
vassal state, and not an Imperial Province. Rashtriya 
seems to have been a sort of Imperial High Commissioner, 
and the position of Pushyagupta in Surashtra was pro- 
bably like that of Lord Cromer in Egypt. Neither the 
Arthas'lstra nor the Edicts of Asoka mention any class 
of officials called Rashtriya. It is, however, probable that 


the llashtriyas were identical with the Hashtrapalas 
whose salary was equal to that of Kurnaran (ArthasTistra, 
p. 247). 

Overseers and Spies. 

The classical writers refer to a class of men called 
Overseers who " overlook what is done throughout the 
country and in the cities, and make reports lo the king 
where the Indians are ruled by a king, or the magistrates 
where the people have a democratic government (Chin- 
nock, Arrian, p. 413). Strabo calls this class of men the 
Ephori or Inspectors. "They are," says he, "intrusted 
with the superintendence of all that is going on, and 
it is their duty to report privately to the king- ••The best 
and the most faithful persons are appointed to the office of 
Inspector" (H. & R Strabo, HI, p. 103). The overseers 
of Arrian and the Inspectors of Strabo probably correspond 
either to the Pradeshtris or the Charas of the Arthasastra. 
Dr. Thomas derives the word Pradeshtri from Pradesa 
which means "report" (JRA8., 1915, p. 97) by the rule 
of Panini, II. 2. 15 (Trijakf.bhyam kartari). 

Strabo tells us that the City Inspectors employed as 
their coadjutors the city courtesans ; and the Inspectors 
of the Camp, the women who followed it. The employ- 
ment of women of easy virtue as spies is also alluded to 
by Kautilya. According to him there were two groups of 
spies, viz. : 

1. Samsthah consisting of Kapatika, Udasthita, Griha- 
patika, Vaidehakaand Tapasa, i.e., fraudulent disciples, re- 
cluses, householders, merchants and ascetics. 

2. Sancharah including Satri, Tikshna and Kashada, 
i.e., class-mates, firebrands, and poisoners, and certain 
women described as Bhikshukis, Parivrajikas, Mundas 
and Vrishalis. It is to the last class, viz., the VrishaHs 
that Strabo evidently refers. We have explicit references 


to courtesan (Pumschali, ves'ya, rupajiva) spies on pp. 
221, 249, 316 of the Arthasastra. 

Village Administration. 

The administration of villages was carried on hv the 
Gramikas (Arthasastra, pp. 157, 172) who were, no douht, 
assisted by the Gramavridhas (pp. 48, 168, 169) or village 
elders. The omission of the Gramika from the list of 
salaried officials given in Bk. V, Ch. Ill of the Arthsastra 
is significant. It probably indicates that the Gramika 
was not a paid servant of the crown, but an elected 
official of the villagers. The king's servant in the village 
was the Gramabhritaka (pp. 175, 248). Above the 
Gramika were the Gopa, who looked after 5 or 10 villages, 
and the Sthanika who controlled one quarter of a janapada 
or district. The work of these officers was supervised by 
the Samahatri (p. 142) with the help of the Pradeshtris. 

The last days of Chandragupta. 

Jaina tradition avers that Chandragupta was a Jaina 
and that, when a great famine occurred, he abdicated and 
repaired to Mysore where he died. Two inscriptions on 
the north bank of the Kaveri near Seringapatam of about 
900 A.D., describe the summit of the Kalbappu Hill, i.e., 
Chandragiri, as marked by the footprints of Bhadravahu 
and Chandragupta Munipati (Rice, Mysore and Coorg 
from the Inscriptions, pp. 3-4). Dr. Smith observes (The 
Oxford History of India, p. 76) " The Jain tradition holds 
the field, and no alternative account exists ". Chandra- 
gupta died about 298 or 297 B.C. after a reign of 24 years. 

If the Parisishtaparvan of Hemachandra is to be 
believed Chandragupta had a queen named Durdhara who 
became the mother of Bindusara, the son who succeeded 


him on the throne. In the absence of corroborative 
evidence, however, the name of the queen cannot be 
accepted as genuine. 

II. The Reign of Bindusara. 

Chandragupta Maurya was succeeded in or about the 
year 298 B.C. by his son Bindusara Amitraghata. The 
name or title Amitraghata (slayer of foes) is a resto- 
ration in Sanskrit of the Amitrachates of Athenaios, and 
Allitrochades of Strabo, who is stated to have been the 
son of Sandrocottus. Dr. Fleet prefers the rendering 
Amitrakhada or devourer of enemies, which is said to 
occur as an epithet of Indra (JRAS., 1909, p. 24). From 
Asoka's Rock Edict VIII (Kalsi Text) it appears that 
Bindusara, as well as other predecessors of Asoka, used 
the style Devanampiya. 

If Hemachandra and Taranatha are to be believed, 
Kaulilya or Chanakya continued to serve as minister for 
some time after the accession of Bindusara (Jacobi, 
Paris'ishtaparvan, p. 62 ; Ind. Ant., 1875, p. 364). "Chanaka," 
says Taranatha, " one of his (Bindusara's) great lords, 
procured the destruction of the nobles and kings of 
sixteen towns, and as king he made himself master of all 
the territory between the eastern and western seas." The 
conquest of the territory between the eastern and western 
seas has been taken by some scholars to refer to the 
annexation of the Deccan. But w r e should not forget that 
already in the time of Chandragupta the Maurya Empire 
extended from Surashtra to Bengal (Gangarida?), i.e., from 
•the western to the eastern sea. Taranatha's statement 
need mean nothing more than the suppression of a general 
revolt. No tradition expressly connects the name of 
Bindusara with the conquest of the Deccan. The story 
of the subjugation of sixteen towns may or may not be 


true, but we are told in the Divyavadana (Co well and 
Neil's Ed., p. 371) that at least one town of note, riz., 
Taxila, revolted during the reign of Bindusara. The king 
is said to have despatched As'oka there. While the prince 
was nearing Taxila with his troops the people came out 
to meet him, and said " we are not opposed to the prince, 
nor even to king Bindusara, but the wicked ministers 
(Dushtamatyah) insult us." The high-handedness of the 
Maurya officials in the outlying provinces is alluded to 
by As'oka himself in his Kalinga Edict (Asoka, third 
edition, pp. 194-195). Addressing his Mahamatras the 
Emperor says : 

" All men are my children ; and, just as I desire for 
my children that they may enjoy every kind of prosperity 
and happiness both in this world and in the next, so also 
I desire the same for all men. You, however, do not 
grasp this truth to its full extent. Some individual, per- 
chance, pays heed, but to a part only, not the whole. 
See then to this, for the principle of government is well 
established. Again, it happens that some individual incmn 
imprisonment or torture, and when the result is his im- 
prisonment without due cause, many other people are 
deeply grieved. In such a case you must desire to do 
justice... and for this purpose, in accordance with the Law 
of Piety, I shall send forth in rotation every live years 
such persons (Mahamatra) as are of mild and temperate 
disposition, and regardful of the sanctity of life, who 
knowing this my purpose will comply with my instruc- 
tions. Prom Ujjain, however, the Prince for this purpose 
will send out a similar body of officials, and will not 
over pass three years. In the same way from Ta.rif"." 

Foreign relations. 

In his relations with the Hellenistic powers Bindusara 
pursued a pacific policy. We learn from the classical 

BlNDUSAltA 157 

writers (e.g., Strabo) that the king of Syria despatched 
to his court an ambassador named Deimachos. Pliny 
(M'Crindle, Ancient India as described in Classical 
Literature, p. 108) tells us that (Ptolemy) Philadelphos 
sent an envoy named Dionysios. Dr. Smith however points 
out that it is uncertain whether Dionysios presented his 
credentials to Bindusara or to his son and successor, 
Asoka. The same historian says (Asoka, third edition, 
p. 19) that Patrokles, an officer who served under both 
Seleukos and his son, sailed in the Indian seas and collected 
much geographical information which Strabo and Pliny 
were glad to utilize. Athenaios tells an anecdote of private 
friendly correspondence between Antiochos, king of Syria, 
and Bindusara which indicates that the Indian monarch 
communicated with his Hellenistic contemporaries on 
terms of equality and friendliness. We are told that 
Amitrochates (Bindusara) the king of the Indians, wrote 
to Antiochos asking that king to buy and send him sweet 
wine, dried figs, and a sophist, and Antiochos replied : we 
shall send you the figs and the wine, but in Greece the 
laws forbid a sophist to be sold (M'Crindle, Inv. Alex., 
p. 409). 

Bindusarcfs Family. 

Bindusara had many children besides Asoka the 
son who succeeded him on the throne. We learn 
from a passage of the Eifth liock Edict in which the 
duties of the Dharmamahamatras are described, that As'oka 
had many brothers and sisters. The Divyavadana mentions 
two of these brothers, namely, Suslma and Vigatas'oka. 
The Ceylonese Chronicles seem also to refer to these two 
princes though under different names, calling the former 
Sumana and the latter Tishya. Susima-Sumana is said 
to have been the eldest son of Bindusara and a step- 
brother of Asoka, while Vigatasoka-Tishya is reputed to 


have been the youngest son of Bindusara and a uterine 
brother of As'oka. Hiuen Tsang mentions a brother of 
Asoka named Muhendra. Ceylonese tradition, however, 
represents the latter as a son of Asoka. 

Bindusara died after a reign of 25 years according to 
the Puranas, and 28 years according to the Ceylonese 
Chronicles. According to Dr. Smith's chronology his 
reign terminated about 273 B.C. (Asoka, p. 73). If the 
Ceylonese account be correct the date of his death was 270 
and not 273 B.C. 

III. The Early Years of Asoka. 

Both the Divyavadana and the Ceylonese Chronicles 
agree that there was a fratricidal struggle after the death of 
Bindusara. Asoka is said to have overthrown his eldest 
stepbrother w r ith the help of Radhagupta whom he made his 
Agramatya (Chief Minister). Dr. Smith observes (The 
Oxford History of India, p. 93), M the fact that his formal 
consecration or coronation (abhisheka) was delayed for some 
four years until 269 B. C. confirms the tradition that his 
succession was contested, and it mav be true that his 
rival was an elder brother named Susima." In his Asoka 
(third edition) published a few months later, he says, "it 
is possible that the long delay may have been due to a 
disputed succession involving much bloodshed, but there 
is no independent evidence of such a struggle." Mr. 
Jayaswal (JBORS, 1917, p. 438) gives the following expla- 
nation for the delay in Asoka's coronation : " It seems 
that in those days for obtaining royal abhisheka 1 the age 
of 25 was a condition precedent. This seems to explain 
why As'oka was not crowned for three or four years after 

1 There were other abhishekas also, e.g., that of Vuvarnja, Kuinorn, Senilpati. 


Dr. Smith characterises (EHI, p. 155) the Ceylonese 
tales which relate that As'oka slew many of his brothers 
as silly because As'oka certainly had brothers and sisters 
alive in the seventeenth or eighteenth year of his reign, 
whose households were objects of his anxious care. But 
we should remember that the Fifth Rock Edict refers 
only to the female establishments of his brothers 
(olodhanesu bhatinarii) as existing. This does not neces- 
sarily imply that the brothers also were alive. We 
should, however, admit that there is nothing to show, on 
the contrary, that the brothers were dead. The Fifth 
Rock Edict, in our opinion, proves nothing regarding 
the authenticity or untrustworthiness of the Ceylonese 

The first four years of As'oka's reign is, to quote the 
words which Dr. Smith uses in another connection, "one 
of the dark spaces in the spectrum of Indian history ; 
vague speculation, unchecked by the salutary limitations 
of verified fact, is, at the best, unprofitable." 

Like his predecessors (cf. Rock Edict VIII, Kalsi 
Text) As'oka assumed the title of Devanariipiya. He 
generally described himself as Devanariipiya Piyadasi. 
The name Asoka is found only in literature, and in two 
ancient inscriptions, viz., the Maski Edict of As'oka him- 
self, and the Junagadh inscription of the Mahakshatrapa 
Rudradaman. The name Dharmas'oka is found in one 
Mediieval epigraph, viz., the Sarnath inscription of 
Kumaradevi (Dharmas'okanaradhipasya samaye Sri 
Dharmachakro Jino yadrik tannaya rakshitat punaray- 
aiichakre tatopyadbhutam). 

During the first thirteen years of his reign Asoka seems 
to have carried on the traditional Maurya policy of ex- 
pansion within India, and of friendly co-operation witli (he 
foreign powers, which was in vogue after the Seleukidan 
war. Like Chandragupta and Bindusara he was aggressive 


at home but pacific abroad. The Divyavadana credits 
him with the suppression of a revolt of Taxila. In the 
thirteenth year of his reign (eight years after consecration) 
he effected the conquest of Kaliiiga. We do not know the 
exact limits of this kingdom in the time of As'oka. But 
if the Sanskrit epics and Puranas are to be believed, 
it extended to the river Vaitarani in the north (Mbh. 
III. 114. 4), the Amarakantaka Hills in the west 
(Kurma Purana II. 39. 9) and Mahendragiri in the 
south (Raghuvams'a IV. 38-43 ; VI. 53-54). 

An account of the Kalinga war and its effects is given 
in Rock Edict XIII. We have already seen that Kalinga 
formed a part of the Magadhan dominions in the time of 
the Nandas. Why was it necessary for As'oka to re- 
conquer it ? The question admits of only one answer, viz., 
that Kaliiiga severed its connection with Magadha after 
the fall of the Nandas. If the story of a general revolt 
in the time of Bindusara be correct then it is not unlikely 
that Kalinga, like Taxila threw off the allegiance of 
Magadha during the reign of Bindusara. It appears, 
however, from Pliny who probably based his account on 
the Indica of Megasthenes, that Kaliiiga was already an 
independent kingdom in the time of Chandragupta. In 
that case there can be no question of a revolt in the time 
of Bindusara. Pliny says (Ind. Ant., 1877, p. 338) " the 

tribes called Calingae are nearest the sea the royal 

city of the Calingae is called Parthalis. Over their king 
60,000 foot soldiers, 1,000 horsemen, 700 elephants keep 
watch and ward in ' procinct of war.' " 

The Kalinga kings probably increased their army 
considerably during the period which elapsed from the 
time of Megasthenes to that of As'oka, because during the 
war with As'oka the casualties exceeded 250,000. It is, 
however, possible that the huge total included not only 
combatants but also non-combatants. The existence of 


a powerful kingdom so near their borders, with a big 
army * in procinct of war,' could not be a matter of in- 
difference to the kings of Magadha. Magadha learnt to 
her cost what a powerful Kalinga meant, in the time of 

We learn from the thirteenth Rock Edict that Asoka 
made war on the Kalinga country and annexed it to his 
empire. " One hundred and fifty thousand persons were 
carried away captive, one hundred thousand were slain, 
and many times that number died." Violence, slaughter, 
and separation from their beloved ones befell not only 
to combatants, but also to the Brahmanas and ascetics, 
and householders. 

The conquered territory was constituted a viceroyalty 
under a prince of the royal family stationed at Tosali, 
apparently situated in the Puri district. The Emperor 
issued special edicts prescribing the principles on which 
both the settled inhabitants and the border tribes should 
be treated. These two edicts are preserved at two sites, 
now called Dhauli (in Purl) and Jaugada (in Gafijam). 
They are addressed to the Mahamatras or High Officers 
at Tosali and Samapa. In these documents the Emperor 
makes the famous declaration " all men are my children," 
and charges his officers to see that justice is done to the 

The conquest of Kalinga was a great landmark in the 
history of Magadha, and of India. It marks the close of 
that career of conquest and aggrandisement which was 
ushered in by Bimbisara's annexation of Anga. It opens 
a new era — an era of peace, of social progress, of religious 
propaganda and at the same time of political stagnation 
and, perhaps, of military inefficiency during which the 
martial spirit of imperial Magadha was dying out for want 
of exercise. The era of Digvijaya was over, the era of 
Dhammavijaya was about to begin. 


We should pause here to give an account of the extent 
of As'oka's dominions and the manner in which they were 
administered before the Emperor embarked on a new policy. 
Asoka mentions Pataliputra, Khalatikapavata, Kosambi, 
Lumminigama-, Kaliriga (including Tosali and Samapa), 
Suvarnagiri, Ujjayint and Takshas'ila expressly as being 
among those places which were under his rule. 

Beyond Taksbasila lay the vassal states of the Yonas, 
Kambojas and the Gandharas. The exact situation of 
the Yona state has not yet been determined. The 
Mahavamsa evidently refers to it and its chief city Alasanda 
which Geiger identifies with the town of Alexandria 
founded by the Macedonian conqueror near Kabul 
(Geiger, Mahavamsa, p. 19 1). Kamboja, as we have al- 
ready seen, corresponds to llajapura or Rajaur near Punch 
in Kasmir. The territory of the Gandharas at this time lay 
to the west of the Indus, and did not include Takshas'ila 
which was ruled by a princely Viceroy, and was the 
capital of the province of Uttarapatha (cf. Kalinga 
Edict ; Divyavadana, p. 407, Rajno's'okasyottarapathe 
Takshas'ila nagaram, etc). Tho capital of the vassal 
state of Gandhara was apparently Pushkaravatt (cf Carm. 
Lee, 1918, p. 51). 

The inclusion of Kas'mka within As'oka's empire is 
proved by the testimony of Hiuen Tsang's Records 
(Watters, Vol. I, pp. 267-271) and Kalhana's Rajataraiiginl 
(I. 102-107) : Kalhana says : " The faithful Asoka, 
reigned over the earth. This king who had freed himself 
from sins and bad embraced the doctrine of Jina, covered 
Suskaletra and Vitastatra with numerous Stupas. At the 
town of Vitastatra there stood within the precincts of 
the Dharmaranya Vihara a Chairya built by him, the 
height of which could not be reached by the eye. That 
illustrious king built the town of 6rinagai1. This sinless 
prince after removing the old stuccoed enclosure of 


the shrine of Vijayesvara built in its stead a new one 
of stone. He... erected within the enclosure of Vijayesa, 
and near it, two temples which were called As'okesvara." 
The description of As'oka as a follower of Jina, i. e. t 
Buddha, and the builder of numerous stupas leaves no 
room for doubt that the great Maurya monarch is meant. 
We are told by Kalhana himself that he is indebted for 
much of the above account to an earlier chronicler named 

The inscriptions on the Rummindel and the Nigliva 
pillars prove the inclusion of the Tarai within the limits 
of Asoka's Empire, while the monuments at Lalitapatan 
attest his possession of the valley of Nepal. Further 
evidence of the inclusion of the Himalayan region within 
As'oka's empire is furnished by Rock Edict XIII which 
refers to the Nabhapamtis of Nabhaka (N T a-pei-kea of 
FaHien? Legge, 04). 

According to BQhler the Rock Edict XIII mentions 
two vassal tribes Visa and Vajri. Several scholars do 
not accept Buhler's reading, and substitute Visayamhi in 
its place. That is no doubt the reading of the Girnar 
text, but according to Professors Bhandarkar and Majum- 
dar (The Inscriptions of Asoka, published by the 
University of Calcutta, Part I, p. 53) the Shahbazgarhi and 
Mansahra texts read Vishavajri. Kautilya in his Artha- 
sastra (p. 378) refers to the Vrijikas as a Sarigha along 
with Kamboja and other states. It is not unlikely that 
Vrijika is identical with Vajri, and that like Kamboja, 
the Vrijikas were an autonomous vassal state within the 
Maurya Empire. The capital of the state was, of course, 
Vaisali. A tribe called Besatae is mentioned in the 
Peri plus of the Erythraean sea (Schoffs Ed., p. 48) and 
is located on the borders of the land of This, i. e., 
China. It is not altogether improbable that the Vishas 
of As'oka's Edict are identical with the Besatae of the 


Periplus, and the names of the products Bisiand Mahabisi 
(mentioned in Arthasastra, p. 79) were derived from them. 
In the commentary on the Arthasastra (Shamasastri's 
Translation, p. 91, n. 10) it is stated that the twelve 
villages producing Bisi and- Mahabisi, are situated on the 

We learn from the classical writers that the country 
of the Gangaridae, i. e. Bengal, formed a part of the 
dominion of the king of the Prasii, i. e., Magadha, as early 
as the time of Agrammes, i. <?., the last Nanda King 
(M'Crindle, Inv. Alex., pp. 221, 281). A passage of Pliny 
clearly suggests that the H Palibothri " dominated the 
whole tract along the Ganges (Ind. Ant, 1877, 339). That 
the Magadhan kings retained their hold on Bengal as late 
as the time of As'oka is proved by the testimony of the 
Divyavadana (cf. Smith's As'oka, 3rd ed., p. 255) and of 
Hiuen Tsang who saw Stupas of that monarch near Tamra- 
lipti and Karnasuvama (in "West Bengal), in Samatata 
(East Bengal) as well as in Pundravardhana (North 
Bengal). Kamarupa (Assam) seems to have lain outside 
the empire. The Chinese pilgrim saw no monument of 
As'oka in that country. 

"We have seen that in the south the Maurya power, 
at one time, had penetrated as far as the Podiyil Hill in 
the Tinnevally district. In the time of As'oka the Maurya 
frontier had receded probably to the Pennar river near 
Nellore. The major part of the Deccan was ruled by the 
viceregal princes of Tosali and Suvarnagiri. But certain 
strips of territory were occupied by vassal tribes, e. g., the 
Andhras, Pulindas, Bhojas and Bfishtrikas. The word 
Pitinika mentioned in Rock Edicts V and XIII should, 
according to Prof. Bhandarkar, not be read as a separate 
name but as an adjective qualifying Bashtrika (Edict 
V) and Bhoja (Edict XIII). The Professor draws our 
attention to certain passages in the Anguttara Nikaya 


(III. 70, 300) whore the term Pettanika occurs in the 
sense of one who enjoys property given by father (Ind. 
Ant., 1919, p. 80). The Andhras and the Pulindas are, as 
we have already seen, mentioned in a passage of the 
Aitareya Brahmana. The Bhojas are also mentioned in 
that work as rulers of the south. Pliny, quoting from 
Megasthenes, says that the Andarae (Andhras) possessed 
numerous villages, thirty towns defended by walls and 
towers, and supplied their king with an army of 100,000 
infantry, 2,000 cavalry and 1,000 elephants (Ind. Ant., 
1877, p. 339). The Andhra capital (Andhapura) was 
situated on the Telavaha river which, says Prof. Bhandar- 
kar, is either the modern Tel or Telingiri both flowing 
near the confines of the Madras Presidency and the 
Central Provinces. The Pulindas are invariably associated 
with the Vindhyan region in the Puranas. 

Pulinda Vindhya Pushika Vaidarbha Dandakaih saha 
(Matsya. p. 114, 48). 

Pulinda Vindhya Mulika Vaidarbha Dandakaih saha 
(Vayu, 55, 126). 

Their capital Pulindanagara lay not far from Bhilsa. 

The Bhojas and the Rashtrikas were apparently the 
ancestors of the Mahabhojas and the Maharathis of the 
Satavahana period (Smith, Asoka, third ed., pp. 169-170). 
The Bhojas apparently dwelt in Berar, and the Rashtrikas 
in Maharashtra. 

In the west Asoka's Empire extended to the Arabian 
Sea and included Aparanta ($urparaka, Nasik, etc., accord- 
ing to Markandeya P. 57. 49-52) and the vassal state of 
Surashtra which was governed by the Yavanaraja Tushash- 
pha. Dr. Smith says that the form of the name shows that 
the Yavanaraja must have been a Persian, but according 
to this interpretation the Yavana Dhammadeva, the Saka 
Ushavadata (llishabhadatta) and the Kushan Vasudeva 
must have been all native Hindus of India. If Greeks 


and other foreigners adopted Hindu names there is no 
wonder that some of them assumed Iranic appellations. 
There is, then, no good ground for assuming that 
Tushashpha was not a Greek, but a Persian. 

Having described the extent of Asoka'3 empire 
we now proceed to give a brief account of its administra- 
tion. Asoka continued the Council government of his 
predecessors. There are references to the Emperor's 
dealings with the Parishad in Rock Edicts III and VI. 
Senart took Parisha to mean Sangha and Biihler under- 
stood by it the Committee of caste or sect. But 
Mr. Jayaswal has pointed out that the Parisha of the 
Edicts is the Mantriparishad of the Arthasastra. The 
inscriptions prove that As'oka retained also the system 
of Provincial Government existing under his forefathers. 
Tosali, Suvarnagiri, Ujjayini and Takshasila were each 
under a prince of the blood royal (Kumala or Ayaputa). 

The Emperor and the Princes were helped by a host 
of officials who fell under the following classes : — 

1. The Mahamatras (cf. also Arthasastra, pp. 16, 20, 
58, 64,, 215, 237-39). 

2. The Rajukas. 

3. Tho Pradesikas or Pradesikas. 

4. The Yutas (the Yuktas of the Arthasastra, pp. 59, 
65, 199, Ramayana, VI, 127.34; Manu, VIII, 34). 

5. Pulisa. 

6. Pativedaka. 

7. Vachabhumika. 

There was a body of Mahamatras in each great city 
and district (ahala) of the empire. The inscriptions 
mention the Mahamatras of Kausambi, Tosali, Samapa, 
Suvarnagiri and Isila. In the Kaliiiga Edicts we have 
certain Mahamatras distinguished by the term Nagala 
Viyohalaka. The Nagala Viyohalaka of the Edicts 
correspond to the Pauravyavahaiikas of the Arthasastra 


(p. 20) and no doubt administered justice in cities. 1 In 
Pillar Edict I mention is made of the Amta Mahamatras 
or the Wardens of the Marches, who correspond to the 
Antapalas of the Arthasastra (pp. 20, 217) and the Goptris 
of the age of Skanda Gupta. Kautilya tells us that the 
salary of an Antapala was equal to that of a Kumara, a 
Pauravyavaharika, a member of the Mantriparishad or a 
Rashtrapala (p. 247). In Edict XII mention is made of 
the Ithijhaka Mahamatras who, doubtless, correspond to 
the Stryadhyakshas (the Guards of the Ladies) of the 
Mahabharata (IX. 29.68, 90; XV. 22, 20 ; 23, 12). 

As to the Rajukas, Dr. Smith takes the word to 
mean a governor next below a Kumara (Asoka 3rd, p. 94). 
Biihler identifies the Rajuka of the Asokan inscriptions 
with the Rajjuka or the Rajjugahaka amachcha of the 
Jatakas (The Social Organisation in North-east India 
by Fick, translated by S. Maitra, pp. 148-151). Pillar 
Edict IV refers to the Rajukas as officers " set over many 
hundred thousands of people," and charged with the duty of 
promoting the welfare of the Janapadas, to whom Asoka 
granted independence in the award of honours and penalties. 
The reference to the award of penalties (Danda) probably 
indicates that the Rajukas had judicial duties. In Rock 
Edict III as well as in Pillar Edict IV they are associated 
with the Yutas. Strabo (H. and P., Vol. Ill, p. 103) refers 
to a class of Magistrates who " have the care of the rivers, 
measure the land, as in Egypt, have charge also of the 
hunters and have the power of rewarding or punishing 
those who merit either." The measuring of the land 
connects these Magistrates with the Rajjugahaka 
Amachcha of the Jatakas {cf. Maitra, Fick, pp. 148-149) 
while the power of rewarding and punishing people con- 
nects them with the Rajukas of As'oka. It is probable, 
therefore, that the Magistrates referred to by Strabo were 

1 Cf. also Nagara-dhftnya Vyivaharika, p. 55. 


identical with the Rajukas and the Rajjugahaka Amach- 
chas. The Arthas'astra (p. 234) refers to a class of officials 
called " Chora Rajjukas," but there is no reference to 
the Rajjukas proper, although on p. 60 " Rajju " is 
mentioned in conjunction with " Chora Rajju." 

As regards the Prades'ikas or Pradesikas, Senart, 
Kern and Buhler understood the term to denote local 
governors or local chiefs. Smith took it to mean District 
Officers. The word occurs only in the third Rock Edict 
where the functionaries in question are included with 
the Rajukas and the Yutas in the ordinance of the 
Anusamyana. Thomas derives the word from pradeha 
which means report (JRAS, 1915, p. 97 ; Arthasastra, 
p. Ill) by the rule of Panini trijakabhyamkartaii (II. 
2.15) and identifies the Pradesikas or Pradesikas of 
the' Edict with the Pradeshtris of the Arthasastra. 
The most important functions of the Pradeshtris were 
Balipragraha (collection of taxes, or suppression of 
recalcitrant chiefs), Kantakas'odhana (administration of 
criminal justice), Choramargana (tracking of thieves) and 
Adhyakshanam adhyaksha purushanam cha niyamanarii 
(checking superintendents and their men). They acted 
as intermediaries between the Samahatri on the one 
hand, and the Gopas, Sthanikas and Adhyakshas on the 
other (cf. Arthasastra, pp. 142, 200, 217, 222). 

As to the Yutas or Yuktas they are represented by Manu 
(VIII. 31) as the custodians of Pranashtadhigata dravya (lo9t 
property which was recovered). In the Arthasastra, too, they 
are mentioned in connection with Samudaya or state funds 
which they are represented as misappropriating. The Pulisa 
are apparently identical with the Purushas or Raja Puru- 
shas of the Arthasastra (pp. 59, 75). The Pativedaka are 
doubtless the Charas referred to in Chap. 16 (p. 38), while 
the Vachabhumikas were evidently charged with the superin- 
tendence of " Vraja " referred to in chapter 24 (pp. 59-60). 



We have already seen that the Kaliiiga war opened a 
new epoch in the history of Magadha and of India. During 
the first thirteen years of his reign As'oka was a typical 
Magadhan sovereign — the inheritor of the policy of 
Bimbisara, of Mahapadma and of Chandragupta — conquer- 
ing peoples, suppressing revolt, annexing territory. After 
the Kaliiiga war all this is changed. The older political 
philosophy of Vassakara and Kautilya gave way to a new 
state-craft inspired by the teaching of the sage of the 
$akyas. Before proceeding to give an account of the 
remarkable change we should say a few words 
about the religious denominations of India and the 
condition of society during the reign of the great 

In the days of As'oka the people of India were divided 
into many sects of which the following were the most 
important : — 

3. The orthodox Deva-worshippers. 

2. The Ajivikas or the followers of Gosala Mankhali- 

3. The Nirgranthas or Jainas, i.e., the followers of 
Nigantha Nataputta who is commonly called Mahavira 
or Vardhamana. 

4. The followers of Gautama Buddha ^akyamuni. 

In Edict IV we have the following account of the 
prevailing state of society : " for a long period past, even 
for many hundred years, have increased the sacrificial 


slaughter of living creatures, the killing of animate beings, 
unseemly behaviour to relatives, unseemly behaviour to 
Brahmanas and ascetics (Sramanas)." The kings used to 
go out on so-called Vihara-yatras (tours of pleasure, cf. 
Mahabharata, XV. 1,18/ Kautilya, p. 332), in which 
hunting and other similar amusements used to be practised 
(R. Edict VIII). The people performed various 
ceremonies (mamgala) 2 on occasions of sickness, weddings 
of sons, 3 the weddings of daughters, the birth of 
children, and departure on journeys. The womankind 
performed many, manifold, trivial and worthless 
ceremonies (R. Edict IX). 

The Change of AsokcCs Religion. 

As'oka himself was at first a Deva-worshipper. He 
had no scruple about the slaughter of men and animals ; 
" formerly, in the kitchen of His Sacred and Gracious 
Majesty the King each day many hundred thousands of 
living creatures were slaughtered to make curries." The 
hecatomb of the Kalinga war has already been mentioned. 
The sight of the misery and bloodshed in that sanguinary 
campaign made a deep impression on him and awakened 
in his breast feelings of anusochanam, "remorse, profound 
sorrow, and regret." About this time he came under the 
influence of Buddhist teaching. We read in Rock Edict 
XIII " directly after the Kaliiigas had been annexed began 
His Sacred Majesty's zealous protection of the Law of 
Piety (dhramapalanarii), his love of that Law (dhrama- 
kamata),and his inculcation of that Law (dhramanusati)." 

Although As'oka became a Buddhist he was not an 
enemy either of the Devas or the Brahmanas. Up to the 
last he took pride in calling himself Devanampiya. He 

1 ViharayfitraBU punah Kurur&jo Yudhis$hirab 

SarvSn k&m&n mahfttej&h pradad Avambikasute. 
1 For " Mangala " see also JStakas No. 87, and No. 163 ( Hatthimaugala). 
1 For AvSha and VirSha see also Mbh. V. 141. 14. 


found fault with unseemly behaviour towards Brahmanas 
(Edict IV), and inculcated liberality to the same class. 
He was perfectly tolerant. " The king does reverence to 
men of all sects " (Edict XII). He reprobated Atma- 
pasan4a-puja when coupled with Para-pasanda-garaha. 
That he was sincere in his professions is proved by the 
Barabar Cave Dedications to the Ajivlka monks. His 
hostility was chiefly directed, not towards the Devas and 
the Brahmanas, but to the killing of men in war and 
Samajas, and the slaughter of animals in sacrifice. 

The Change of Foreign Policy. 

The effect of the change of religion was at once felt 
in foreign policy. The Emperor declared that " of all the 
people who were slain, done to death, or carried away 
captive in Kalinga, if the hundredth part or the thousandth 
part were now to suffer the same fate, it would be matter 
of regret to His Sacred Majesty. Moreover, should any 
one do him wrong, that too must be borne with by His 
Sacred Majesty, so far as it can possibly be borne with." 
In Kalinga Edict I, the Emperor expressed his desire 
that the unconquered peoples in the frontiers of his realm 
(Aihta avijita) should not be afraid of him, that they should 
trust him, and should receive from him happiness not 
sorrow. The chiefest conquest in the Emperor's opinion 
was the conquest of the Law of Piety (Dhammavijaya). In 
Edict IV he exultingly says '* the reverberation of the war 
drums (Bherighoso) has become the reverberation of the Law 
(Dhammaghoso)." Not content with what he himself did 
he called upon his sons and even his grandsons to eschew 
new conquests — putro papotra me asu navam vijayam ma 
vijetaviyam. Here we have a complete renunciation 
of the old policy of Digvijaya and the enunciation of a 
new policy, viz., that of Dhammavijaya. The full political 
effects of this change of policy became manifest only after 
the death of Asoka. From the time of Bimbisara to the 


Kalinga war the history of India was the history of the 
expansion of Magadha from a tiny state in South Bihar 
to a gigantic Empire extending from the foot of the 
Hindukush to the borders of the Tamil country. After 
the Kalinga war ensued a period of stagnation at the end 
of which the process is reversed. The empire gradually 
dwindled down in extent till it sank to the position from 
which Bimbisara and his successors had raised it. 

True to his principle Asoka made no attempt to 
annex the frontier (Pracharhta) kingdoms, viz., Chola, 
Pandya, Satiyaputra, Keralaputra, Tambapariini (Ceylon) 
and the realm of Amtiyako Yonaraja. On the contrary 
he maintained friendly relations with them. 

The Chola country was drained by the river Kaveri 
and comprised the districts of Trichinopoli and Tan j ore. 
We learn from a South Indian inscription (Hultzsch, SIT, 
Vol. I, p. 34) that Hara asked Gunabhara " How could 

I standing in a temple on earth, view the great power 
of the Cholas or the river Kaveri"? When Pulakesin 

II strove to conquer the Cholas " the Kaveri had her 
current obstructed by the causeway formed by his 
elephants." The Chola capital was Uraiyur (Sanskrit 
Uragapura?) or Old Trichinopoly. 

The Pandya country corresponded to the Madura, and 
Tinnevally districts and had its capital at Madura 
(Dakshina Mathura). The rivers Kritamala or Vaigai and 
Tamraparni flowed through it. Katyayana derives Pandya 
from Pandu. The Pandus are mentioned as the ruling 
race of Indraprastha in the Mahabharata as well as in 
several Jatakas. Ptolemy (cir. 150 A. D.) speaks of the 
country of the Pandoouoi in the Pafij&b. There can be 
no doubt that Pandu was the name of a real tribe in 
northern India. Katyayana's statement regarding the 
connection of the Pandyas with the Pandus receives some 
support from the fact that the name of the Pandya 


capital (Madura) was identical with the famous city of 
Mathura in the Surasena country which according to 
Epic tradition was the seat of a family intimately asso- 
ciated by ties of friendship and marriage with the Pandus 
of Indraprastha. The connection between the Pandus, the 
Surasenas, and the Pandyas seems to be alluded to in the 
confused stories narrated by Megasthenes regarding 
Herakles and Pandaia (Ind. Ant., 1877, p. 249). 

Satiyaputra is identified by Mr. Venkatesvaraiyar 
(JRAS, 1918, pp. 541-42) with Satyavratakshetra or 
Kancliipura. But Prof. K. Aiyangar points out that the 
term Satyavratakshetra is applied to the town Kafichl or a 
part of it, not to the country dependent upon it. There is 
besides the point whether vrata could become puta. Mr. 
Aiyangar prefers Bhandarkar's identification with 
Satpute. He takes Satiyaputra to be a collective name 
of the various matriarchal communities like the Tulus 
and the Nayars (JRAS, 1919, pp. 581-584). According 
to Dr. Smith (As'oka, Third Ed., p. 161) Satiyaputra is 
represented by the Satyamangalam Taluk of Coimbatore. 
Keralaputra (Ketalaputra or Chera) is Malabar. 
Its capital was Vafiji near Cochin. 

Ceylon was known in ancient times as Parasamudra 
(Greek Palaesimundu, see Ray Chaudhuri, Ind. Ant., 
1919, pp. 195-9G l ) as well as Tamraparni (Greek Tapro- 
bane). Tambapamni, i.e., Tamraparni is mentioned in 
Rock Edicts II and XIII of As'oka. Dr. Smith now 
(Asoka, 3rd Ed., p. 162) takes the word to mean not Ceylon 
but the river Tamraparni in Tinnevally. He refers to the 
Girnar text ■? a Tambapamni " which according to him 
indicates that the river is meant not the island. Now, in 
Edict II the phrase " a Tambapariini " comes after Ketala- 
puto and not after Pada. The expression " Ketalaputo as 

1 On reading Law's Ancient Hindu Polity (p. 87 n.) I find that the identification 
was also suggested by Mr. N. L. Dey. 


far as the Tamraparni " is hardly appropriate, because the 
Tamraparni is a Pandya river. We, therefore, prefer to 
take Tamraparni to mean Ceylon. Asoka's Ceylonese 
contemporary was Devanampiya Tissa whose accession 
may be dated about 251 or 247 B. C. 

As'oka maintained friendly relations not only with the 
Tamil powers of the south, but also with his Hellenistic 
frontager Antiochos Theos, king of Syria and Western 
Asia (B. C. 261-246) ; and even with the kings the neigh- 
bours of Antiochos, namely Ptolemy Philadelphos, king 
of Egypt (B. C. 285-247) : Magas, king of Cyrene in 
North Africa (about B. C. 2S5-258) ; Antigonos Gonatas, 
king of Macedonia (B. C. 277-239) ; and Alexander who 
ruled over Epirus according to Dr. Smith. Beloch and 
Hultzsch, however suggested (JRAS, 1914, pp. 943 ff.) 
that Alikasudara of Edict XIII is Alexander of Corinth 
(B. C. 252— Cir. 244) and not Alexander of Epirus (272- 
cir. 255) son of Pyrrhus. 

Though Asoka did not covet the territories of his 
neighbours, there is evidence that he gave them advice 
on occasions, and established philanthropic institutions in 
their dominions. In other words he regarded them as 
objects of religious conquest (Dhammavijaya). 

" My neighbours, too, should learn this lesson " 
(M. R. Edict I)." 

" Among his frontagers the Cholas, Pandyas, the 
Satiyaputra, the Ketalaputra as far as Tamraparni, 
Antiochos the Greek king, and even the kings the neigh- 
bours of that Antiochos everywhere have been made 
healing arrangements of His Sacred and Gracious 
Majesty the King." 

In Edict XIII As'oka declares that the " conquest of the 

Law of Piety, has been won by His Sacred Majesty... 

...among all his neighbours as far as six hundred leagues, 
where the king of the Greeks named Antiochos dwells, 


and to the north of that Antiochos (where dwell) the four 
kings named severally Ptolemy (Turamayo). Antigonos 
(Ariitekina), Magas (Maga or Maka), and Alexander 
(Alikasudaro) — (likewise) in the south, the Cholas and 
Pandyas as far as Tambaparhni....Even where the envoys 
(duta) of His Sacred Majesty do not penetrate, those people, 
too, hearing His Sacred Majesty's ordinance based upon 
the Law of Piety and his instruction in that Law, practise 
and will practise the Law." 

The Ceylonese chronicles do not refer to the envoys 
sent to the Tamil and Hellenistic kingdoms but name 
the missionaries sent to Ceylon and Suvannabhumi (Pegu 
and Moulemein according to Dr. Smith). The Ceylonese 
mission was headed by prince Mahendra. No reference to 
Suvannabhumi occurs in the Edicts hitherto discovered. 

The Change in Internal Policy. 

The effects of As'oka's change of religion after the 
Kalinga war were felt not only in foreign policy but 
also in internal affairs. The principal objects of his 
complaint according to Rock Edict IV and the Kalinga 
Edicts were : 

1. The sacrificial slaughter (arambho) of living creatures. 

2. Violence (vihimsa) to animate beings. 

3. Unseemly behaviour (asampratipati) to kinsmen (jnati). 

4. Unseemly behaviour to Brahmanas and ^ramanas. 

5. Maladministration in the Provinces. 

According to Rock Edict I, As'oka saw much 
offence not only in the sacrificial slaughter of animals, 
but also in certain Samajas or Gatherings which, as 
we learn from Kautilya (p. 45), were often witnessed 
by the Maurya Emperor. The Samaja, says Smith, 
was of two kinds. The popular festival kind, accom- 
panied by animal fights, heavy drinking and feasting, 
including much consumption of meat, was necessarily 


condemned by Asoka, as being inconsistent with his 
principles. The other kind, the semi-religious theat- 
rical performance, sometimes given in the temples of 
Sarasvati, the goddess of learning, was apparently not 
included among offensive Samajas. Dr. Thomas (JRA8, 
1914, pp. 302 tf.) describes the disapproved Samaja as " a 
celebration of games or contests taking place in an arena 
or amphitheatre surrounded by platforms (maficha) for 
spectators (Preksha)." This kind of Samaja is apparent- 
ly referred to in the following lines of the Virata parva of 
the Mahabharata. 

Ye cha kecbin niyotsyanti Samajeshu niyodhakah 

(Virata, 2, 7.) 
Tatra Mallah samapetur digbhyo rajan sahasrasah 
Samaje Brahmano rajan tatha Pas r upaterapi 
Mahakayah mahaviryah Kalakanja ivasurah. 

{Ibid, 13, 15-16.) 
The harmless Samaja is probably the one referred to in 
Vatsyayana's KamasQtra (Pakshasya masasya va praj- 
nate' hani Sarasvatya bhavane niyuktanarii nityam 

As'oka determined to put a stop to the practices, refer- 
red to above, which he did not approve. At the same 
time he wanted to improve the moral and material 
condition of the people to such an extent as to effect the 
M association of gods with men " (of. Minor Hock Edict I). 
The means employed to achieve this object may be classed 
under four heads : 

1. Administrative reforms. 

2. Dissemination of instructions in the Dhamma 

(Law of Piety). 

3. Benevolent activity ; promotion of the welfare 

of man and beast. 
1. Religious toleration and prevention of schism in 
the Buddhist church. 

aSoka after THE KALI^LA WAR 177 

Administrative lie forms. 

In the first place, As'oka instituted the Quinquennial 
Jnusamyana or circuit of the Yutas, Rajukas, Pra- 
des'ikas, and Mahamatras. Mr. Jayaswal and Dr. 
Smith (Asoka, 3rd edition, p. 164) are of opinion that 
the whole administrative staff from the Rajuka and the 
Pradesika down to the Yuta could not possibly go on 
circuit at once every five years. They interpret the term 
as signifying a regular system of transfers from one 
station to another. But there is nothing in the text to 
show that all the officers were required to go on circuit 
at once. The anusamyana of the Yutas, Rajukas and 
Pnides'ikas was mainly intended for propaganda work. 
The anusamyana of the Mahamatras was specially instituted 
for the purpose of checking miscarriage of justice, arbi- 
trary imprisonment, and torture in the outlying Provinces 
(Kalinga, Ujjayini and Takshasila). 

Secondly, As'oka created a number of new posts, 
e. g., Dharmamahamatras and Dharmayutas. The 
Dharma mahamatras were given a protective mission 
among people of all sects including the Brahmanas and 
the Nirgranthas or Jainas, and among the Yavanas, 
Kambojas, Gandharas, Rashtrikas and all the Aparantas. 
"Among servants and masters, Brahmanas and the wealthy, 
among the helpless and the aged, they are employed in free- 
ing from worldly cares their subordinates (in the depart- 
ment) of the Law of Piety. They are also employed on the 
revision of (sentences of) imprisonment or execution, in 
the reduction of penalties, or (the grant of) release, on the 
grounds of motive, having children, instigation, or 

advanced years At Pataliputra and in all provincial 

towns, in the female establishments of the king's brothers 
and sisters, as well as of other relatives, they arc 
everywhere employed." The Dharmamahamatras were 
further engaged everywhere in the imperial dominions 


among the Dharmayutas with regard to " the concerns of 
the Law, the establishment of the Law, and the business 
of alms-giving." 

The emperor was naturally anxious to keep himself 
fully informed without delay about all public affairs, 
specially about the doings of the Mahamatras on whom 
the success of his mission mainly depended. He therefore 
gave special directions to the Pativedakas that when a 
matter of urgency committed to the Mahamatras and 
discussed in the Parishad occasioned a division of opinion 
or adjournment, he must be informed without delay. 

It is apparent from the Kalinga Edicts and Rock Edict 
VI that Asoka kept a w r atchf ul eye on the Mahamatras 
especially on those who administered justice in cities. But 
he was more indulgent towards his Rajukas who were 
" eager to serve him." To the Rajukas " set over many 
hundred thousands of people" the emperor granted 
independence in the award of honours and penalties in 
order that those officials might perform their duties con- 
fidently and fearlessly. He however wanted to maintain 
some uniformity in penalties as well as in procedure. 
Eor this reason he issued the following rule : — 

" To condemned men lying in prison under sentence 
of death a respite of three days is granted." 

Lastly Asoka issued certain regulations restricting 
slaughter and mutilation of animals, and up to the twenty- 
seventh year of his coronation effected twenty-five jail 

Measures adopted to disseminate Instructions in 
the Laic of Piety. 

The Law of Piety according to the Second Pillar 
Edict, consisted in Apasinave, bahukayane, daya, dane 
sache, sochaye, " little impiety, many good deeds, 
compassion, liberality, truthfulness, purity." In Minor 


llock Edict II the virtues of the Law which must be 
practised are thus stated " father and mother must be 
hearkened to ; respect for living creatures must be firmly 
established ; truth must be spoken." 

We learn from Minor Rock Edict I that for more 
than two-and-a-half years As'oka was a lay disciple with- 
out exerting himself strenuously. He then entered the 
the Saagha and began to exert himself strenuously. He 
issued the famous proclamation " Let small and great 
exert themselves," sent missions (Vyutha) ' to expound 
and expand his teaching, began to write the imperishable 
record of his purpose on the rocks and engraved it upon 
stone pillars wherever there were stone pillars in his 
dominions. As'oka at first utilised the existing administra- 
tive machinery for religious propaganda. He commanded 
his Parishad to inculcate the Dharma on the Yutas and 
ordered the latter as well as the Rajukas, and Prades'ikas 
to inculcate the same while they set out for the 
anusamyana. The dharma which they were to preach was 
explained thus : 

" An excellent thing is the hearkening to father and 
mother ; an excellent thing is liberality to friends, 
acquaintances, relatives, Brahmanas and ascetics ; excel- 
lent is abstention from the slaughter of living creatures ; 
excellent is small expense with small accumulation." 

"When he had been consecrated thirteen years, A s'oka 
created the new officials called Dharma mahamatras who 
were specially entrusted with the work of dhammadhi- 
thana and dhammavadhi, i.e., the establishment and 
increase of Piety. 

The Emperor also exhibited spectacles of the dwellings 
of the gods (Vimanadasana), spectacles of elephants 

1 The interpretation of Vyutha as missionary was pointed out by Senart and 
accepted by Dr. Smith (Asoka, third Ed., p. 153). Prof. Bhandarkar takes Vyntha 
or Vivutha to mean " officials on tour," 


(Hastidasana), masses of fire (Agikharhdhani) and other 
representations of a divine nature. Prof. Bhandarkar 
(Ind. Ant., 1912, p. 26) refers to the Pali Vimanavatthu 
which describes the splendour of the various celestial 
abodes (Vimanas) in order to induce listeners and 
spectators to lead good and unblemished lives and thereby 
attain to these. Asoka seems to have made representations 
of these Vimanas and paraded them in various places. 
Hasti, according to Prof. Bhandarkar, is Sveto hasti, i.e., 
Buddha himself who is also described as " Gajatama," i.e., 
Gajottama. As regards Agikamdha (Agniskandha) the 
Professor draws our attention to the Jataka No. 40 which 
refers to a blazing fire pit created by Mara on the 
surface of which the Bodhisattva strode and gave a bowl 
to a hungry Pachcheka Buddha and extolled alms-giving. 

While his officers were busy preaching the new Gospel, 
the Emperor himself did not remain idle. In his eleventh 
regnal year he went out to Bodh Gaya(ayaya Sambodhim ') 
and thus commenced the tours of Piety (Dhammayata) in 
the place of the old tours of pleasure ^Viharayata). In the 
tours of Piety this was the practice — visiting ascetics and 
Brahmanas, with liberality to them ; visiting elders, with 
largess of gold; visiting the people of the country (Janapada) 
with instruction in the Law of Piety, and discussion of 
that Law. The memory of a pious tour in As'oka's twenty- 
first regnal year (B.C. 249 according to Smith) is preserved 
by the Rummindei and Nigllva epigraphs in the Nepaletq 
Tarai. These records prove that Asoka visited the birth- 
place of Gautama and paid reverence to the stupa of 
Konakamana, one of the former Buddhas. 

In 242 B.C., according to Dr. Smith, Asoka issued the 
Seven Pillar Edicts which contain a review of the measures 
taken during his reign for the " promotion of religion, the 
teaching of moral duty." 

1 Some scholars take Sambodhi to mean supreme knowledge. Bat Prof. 
Bhandarkar contend! that Sambodhi ia equivalent to Bodhi or Mahlbodhi. 


Benevolent Activity. Promotion of the Welfare 
of Man and Beast. 

As'oka abolished the sacrificial slaughter of animals 
and offensive Samajas and the massacre of living crea- 
tures to make curries in the imperial kitchen. Rock Edict 
VIII refers to the abolition of the viharayatras or tours of 
pleasure in which hunting and other similar amusements 
used to be practised. Pillar Edict V contains a code of 
regulations (Dhammaniyama) restricting slaughter and 
mutilation of animals. Dr. Smith points out that the 
prohibitions against animal slaughter in this edict coincide 
to a considerable extent with those recorded in the 

The Emperor established healing arrangements in two 
kinds, namely, healing arrangements for men and healing 
arrangements for beasts. Medicinal herbs also, both for 
men and for beasts, wheresoever lacking, were imported 
and planted. Roots also and fruits, wheresoever lacking 
were imported and planted. On the roads wells were dug 
and trees planted for the enjoyment of man and beast. 

Pillar Edict VII refers to the employment of superior 
officers (mukhyas) in the distribution of alms, both the 
emperor's own and those of the queens and princes. One 
of the Minor Pillar Edicts refers to the donations of the 
second Queen Karuvaki, mother of Tlvara : " Whatever 
gift has been given here by the second Queen — be it a 
mango-garden, or pleasure-grove, or alms house, or aught 
else — is reckoned as proceeding from that queen." 

Religious Toleration and the Prevention of Schism 
in the Buddhist Church. 

In Rock Edict XII the Emperor declares that he 
" does reverence to men of all sects, whether ascetics 
(Pavajitani) or householders (Gharastani) by gifts and 
various forms of reverence. That he was sincere in his 


professions is proved by the Barabar cave dedications 
in favour of the Ajivika ascetics, who were more akin to 
the Jainas than to the Buddhists. 

The Emperor only cared for the "growth of the essence 
(Sara) of the matter in sects." He says that " he who 
does reverence to his own sect while disparaging the sects 
of others wholly from attachment to his own, with intent 
to enhance the splendour of his own sect, in reality by 
such conduct inflicts the severest injury on his own sect." 
Concord (Samavayo) is praised by him as meritorious 
(Samavayo eva sadhu). 

Just as As'oka tried to secure concord among the 
various sects, so he wanted to prevent schism within the 
Buddhist church. Tradition affirms that a Buddhist 
Council was convened at Pataliputra during his reign 
for the purpose of suppressing heresy. The Sarnath 
Edict and its variants may be regarded as embodying the 
resolution of this Council (Smith, Asoka, third Ed., p. 55). 

The Success and Failure of Asoka. 

Dr. Smith observes that Asoka, by his comprehensive 
and well-planned measures of evangelization, succeeded 
in transforming Buddhism which was a local Indian sect 
into one of the great religions of the world. His teach- 
ing continued to bear wholesome fruit long after he had 
passed away. Even in the fifth century A. D. the rest- 
houses and free hospitals of Magadha excited the wonder 
and admiration of foreigners. The benefactions of 
Dharmasoka were a source of inspiration to royal per- 
sonages as late as the time of Govindachandra of the 
Gaharwar dynasty. 

The political record of the great Maurya's early years 
was no less brilliant. His reign saw the final triumph 
of those centripetal forces that had been at work since 
the days of Bimbisara. The conquest of Kaliii^a 


completed the unification of non-Tamil India under the 
hegemony of Magadha. 

But the policy of Dhammavijaya which he formulated 
after the Kalinga War was not likely to promote the 
cause for which a long line of able sovereigns from 
Bimbisara to Bindusara had lived and struggled. Dark 
clouds were looming in the north-western horizon. India 
needed men of the calibre of Puru and Chandragupta to 
ensure her protection against the Yavana menace. She 
got a dreamer. Magadha after the Kalinga War frittered 
away her conquering energy in attempting a religious 
revolution, as Egypt did under the guidance of Ikhnaton. 
The result was politically disastrous as will be shown in 
the next section. Asoka's attempt to end war met with 
the same fate as the similar endeavour of President Wilson. 

According to Dr. Smith's chronology Asoka died in 
232 B. C, after a reign of about 40 years. A Tibetan 
tradition is said to affirm that the great Emperor breathed 
his last at Taxila (The Oxford History of India, pp. 

II. The Later Mauryas and the Decline of 
their Power. 

The Magadha Empire under Asoka extended from 
the foot of the Hindukush to the borders of the Tamil 
countrv. But the withdrawal of the strong arm of 
Piyadasi was perhaps the signal for the disintegration of 
this mighty monarchy. " His sceptre was the bow of 
Ulysses Avhich could not be drawn by any weaker hand.'* 
The provinces fell off one by one. Foreign barbarians 
began to pour across the north-western gates of the 
empire, and a time came when the proud monarchs of 
Pataliputra and Rajagfiha had to bend their knees before 
the despised provincials of Andhra and Kalinga. 


Unfortunately, no Kautilya or Megasthenes has left 
any account of the later Mauryas. It is impossible to 
reconstruct a detailed history of As'oka's successors from 
the scanty data furnished by one or two inscriptions and 
a few Brahmanical, Jaina and Buddhist works. 

Asoka had many children. In Pillar Edict VII, he 
pays attention to the distribution of alms made by all his 
children, and in particular to those made by the " Princes, 
sons of the Queens." It is to this last category that be- 
longed the Kumaras who represented the Imperial authority 
at Takshasila, Ujjayini, Suvarnagiri and Tosali. Tivara, 
the son of queen Karuvaki, the only prince named in the 
inscriptions, does not appear to have mounted the throne. 
Three other sons, namely, Kunala (Suyas'as), Jalauka and 
Mahendra are mentioned in literature. It is, however, 
uncertain whether Mahendra was a son of Asoka or his 

The Vayu Purana says that after As'oka's death his 
son Kunala reigned for eight years. Kunala's son and 
successor was Bandhupalita, and Bandhupalita's dayada 
or heir was Indrapalita. After Indrapalita came Deva- 
varman, &atadhanus and Brihadratha. 

The Matsya Purana gives the following list of As'oka's 
successors : — Das'aratha, Samprati, Satadhanvan and 

The Vishnu Purana furnishes the following names : — 
Suyasas, Das'aratha, Sarigata, ^alis'uka, Somas'arman, 
iSatadhanvan and Brihadratha. 

The Divyavadana (p. 433) has the following names : — 
Sampadi, Vrihaspati, Vrishasena, Pushyadharman and 

The Rajatarangini mentions Jalauka as the successor 
of As'oka in Kas'mir. 

It is not an easy task to reconcile the divergent versions 
of the different authorities The reality of the existence 


of Kunala is established by the combined testimony of 
the Puranic and Buddhist works (which represent him 
as the father of Sampadi) as well as the evidence of the 
Pataliputrakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri, the well known Jaina 
writer. The name Suyas'as found in the Vishnu and the 
Bbagavata Puranas was probably a biruda or epithet of 
this prince. Tradition is not unanimous regarding the 
accession of Kunala to the imperial throne. He is 
reputed to have been blind. His position was, therefore, 
probably like that of Dhritarashtra of the Great Epic and 
though nominally regarded as the sovereign, he was 
physically unfit to carry on the work of government 
which was presumably entrusted to his favourite son 
Samprati, who is described by the Jaina and Buddhist 
writers as the immediate successor of Asoka. 

Kunala's son was Bandhupalita according to the 
Vayu Purana, and Sampadi (Samprati) according to the 
Divyavadana and the Pataliputrakalpa. Either these 
princes were identical or they were brothers. If the latter 
view be correct then Bandhupalita must be identified 
with Das'aratha whose reality is established by the biief 
dedicatory inscriptions on the walls of cave-dwellings at 
the Nagarjuni Hills which he bestowed upon the Ajlvikas. 
Dasaratha, who receives the epithet " devanampiya " in 
the inscriptions, was a grandson of As'oka according to 
the Matsya and Vishnu Puranas, and the predecessor of 
Samprati (variant Sangata) according to the same 

Indrapalita must be identified with Samprati or Sali- 
suka according as we identify Bandhupalita with Dasa- 
ratha or Samprati. In the matter of the propagation of 
the Jaina faith, Jaina records speak as highly of Samprati 
as Buddhist records do of Asoka. Jinaprabhasuri says, 
" in Pataliputra flourished the great king Samprati, son 
of Kunala, lord or Bharata with its three continents, the 


great Arhanta who established Viharas for &ramanas even 
in non -Aryan countries." Dr. Smith shows ^ood grounds 
for believing that the dominions of Samprati included 
Avanti and western India. 

In his Asoka (third Ed.,- p. 70) he admits that the hypo- 
thesis that As'oka left two grandsons, of whom one 
(Das'aratha) succeeded him in his eastern and the other 
(Samprati) in his western dominions, is little more than 
a guess. The Jaina writers represent Samprati as ruling 
over Pataliputra as well as Ujjayini. His name is men- 
tioned in the Puranic list of Asoka's Masradhan successors. 

The existence of Salisuka is proved not only by the 
testimony of the Vishnu Purana but also by that of the 
Gargi Samhita ! and the e Vayu manuscript referred to by 
Pargiter. He may have been identical with Vrihaspati, 
son of Samprati according to the Divyavadana. 

Devavarman and Somas'arman are variant readings 
of the same name. The same is the case with Satadhanus 
and Satadhanvan. It is not easy to identify Vrishasena 
and Pushyadharma ; possibly they are merely birudas or 
secondary names of Devavarman and ^atadhanvan. 

The last Imperial Maurya of Magadha, Brihadratha, is 
mentioned not only in the Puranas but also in Bana's 
Harshacharita. He was assassinated by his general 
Pushyamitra Sunga who is wrongly described by the 
Divyavadana as of Maurya descent. 

Petty Maurya kings continued to rule in western 
India as well as Magadha long after the extinction of the 
Imperial line. King Dhavala of the Maurya dynasty is 
referred to in the Kanaswa inscription of A. D. 738. 
Prof. Bhandarkar identifies him with Dhavalappadeva the 

1 Kielhorn's B|ihatsamhitS, p. 37 

The GSrgt Suraliitil says "There will be Salisuka a wicked quarrelsome king. 
Unrighteous, although theorising on righteousness (dharniaridi fulliSrinikab) he 
cruelly oppresses his country." 


overlord of Dhanika mentioned in the Dabok (Mewar) 
inscription of A. D. 725 (Ep. Ind., XII, p. 11). Maurya 
chiefs of the Koiikana are referred to in the Early 
Chalukya epigraphs. A Maurya Prince of Magadha 
named Purnavarman is mentioned by fliuen Tsang. 

There can be no doubt that during the rule of the 
later Mauryas the Magadha Empire experienced a 
gradual decay. As'oka died about the year 232 13. C. 
Within a quarter of a century after his death a Greek 
army crossed the Hindukush which was the Maurya fron- 
tier in the days of Chandragupta aud his grandson. The 
Yuga Purana section of the Gargi Samhita bears testi- 
mony to the decline of the Maurya power in the Madhya- 
desa after the reign of Salis'uka : 

Tatah Saketam akramya Panchalam Mathuramstatha 
Yavanah dushtavikrantah prapsyati Kusumadhvajam 
Tatah Pushpapure prapte karddame prathite hite 
Akula vishaya sarve bhavishyanti na sams'ayalj. 

(Kern, Brihat Samhita, p. 37.) 

Where was now the power that had expelled the 
prefects of Alexander and hurled back the battalions of 
Seleukos ? According to Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad 
Sastrl (JASB, 1910, p. 259) a reaction promoted by the 
Brahmanas had sapped the foundations of the Maurya 
authority and dismembered the empire. 

Among the causes of the alienation of the Brahmanas 
the foremost place is given to As'oka's Edict against 
animal sacrifices. The Edict, in Pandit Sastri's opinion 
was certainly directed against the Brahmanas as a class 
and was specially offensive because it was promulgated 
by a &udra ruler. As to the first point we should remem- 
ber that prohibition of auimal sacrifices did not neces- 
sarily imply hostility towards Brahmapas. Long before 


As'oka Brahmana sages whose teachings have found a 
place in the Holy &ruti, the most sacred literature of the 
Brahmanas, declared themselves in no uncertain terms 
against sacrifices, and in favour of Ahimsa. In the Mundaka 
Upanishad (1. 2. 7) we have the following Sloka: — 

Plava hyete adridha yajnarupa 
Ash tadas'ok tarn avaram yeshu karma 
Etachchhreyo ye'bhinandantimU(Jha 
Jaramiityum te punarevapi yanti. 

" Frail, in truth are those boats, the sacrifices, the 
eighteen in which this lower ceremonial has been told. 
Fools, who praise this as the highest good, are subject 
again and again to old age and death." In the Chhan- 
dogya Upanishad (III. 17. 4) Ghora Angirasa lays great 
stress on Ahimsa. 

As to the second statement we should remember that 
tradition is not unanimous in representing the Mauryas 
as Sudras. The Puranas, assert, no doubt, that after 
Mahapadma there will be kings of $udra origin. But this 
statement cannot be taken to mean that all the Post- 
Mahapadman kings were Madras, as in that case the 
Sunuas and the Kanvas also will have to be classed as 
Madras. The Mudrarakshasa which calls Chandragupta a 
&udra, is a late work, and its evidence is contradicted by 
earlier books. In the Mahaparinibbanasutta the Moriyas 
(Mauryas) are represented as belonging to the Kshatriya 
caste. The Mahavamsa (Geiger's Translation, p. 27) 
refers to the Moriyas as a noble (kshatriya) clan and repre- 
sents Chandragupta as a scion of this clan. In the Divyfn i- 
dana (p. 370) Bindusara, son of Chandragupta said to a 
girl "Tvam Napini aham Raja Kshatriyo Murdhabhishik- 
tafr katham maya sardham samagamo bhavishyati. ,, In 
the same work (p. 409) As'oka says to one of his queens 


(Tishyarakshita) " Deviaham Kshatriyah katham palandum 
paribhakshayami." In a Mysore inscription Chandra- 
gupta is described as " an abode of the usages of eminent 
kshatriyas" (Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscrip- 
tions, p. 10). Kautilya's preference of an " abhijata M 
king seems also to suggest that his sovereign was born 
of a noble family (cf. Arthas'astra, p. 326). 

Having referred to the prohibition of animal sacrifices 
Pandit $astri says : u this was followed by another edict 
in which Asoka boasted that those who were regarded 
as gods on earth have been reduced by him into false 
gods. If it means anything it means that the Brahmanas 
who were regarded as Bhudevas or gods on earth had 
been shown up by him." 

The original passage referred to above runs thus : — 

Y (i)-imaya kalaya Jambudipasi amisa deva husu te 
dani m (i) s- kata. 

Pandit &astri followed the interpretation of Senart. 
But Prof. Sylvain Levi has shown that the word amisa 
cannot stand for Sanskrit amrisha, for in the Bhabru 
edict we find Musa and not Misa for Sanskrit mrisha. 
The recently discovered Maski version reads misibhuta 
for misam-kata showing that the original form was 
misribhuta. It will be grammatically incorrect to form 
misibhuta from Sanskrit mrisha. The word mis'ra means 
mixed. And mis'ribhuta means " made to mix " or made 
to associate. The meaning of the entire passage is 
" during that time the men in India who had been 
unassociated with the gods became associated with them." 
(Cf. Apastamba Dharmasutra, II, 7. 16. 1). 1 There is thus 
no question of "showing up" anybody. The true import 

1 "Formerly men and gods lived together in this world. Then the gods in reward 
of their sacrifices went to heaven, but men were left behind. Those men who perform 
sacrifices in the same manner as the gods did, dwell with the gods and Brahma in 
heaven." My attention was first drawn to this passage by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar. 


of the passage has been pointed out by Prof. Bhan- 
darkar in the Indian Antiquary, 1912, p. 170. 

Pandit Sastri adds that the appointment by As'oka of 
Dharmamahamatras, i.e., of superintendents of morals 
was a direct invasion of the rights and privileges of the 
Brahmanns. , It is hardly correct to represent the 
Dharmamahamatras as mere superintendents of morals 
when their duties consisted in the establishment of the 
Law of Piety (which included liberality to Brahmanas), the 
promotion of the welfare of the Yavanas, Kambojas, 
Gandharas, Rashtrikas, Brahmanas and others, revision of 
sentences of imprisonment or execution, the supervision 
of the female establishments of the Emperor's brothers and 
other relatives, and the administration of almsgiving 
(As'oka, third Ed., pp. 168-169). These duties were not 
essentially those of a superintendent of morals, and were 
not a direct invasion of the rights and privileges of the 
Brahmanas. Moreover there is nothing to show that the 
Dharmamahamatras were wholly recruited from non- 

Our attention is next drawn to the passage where 
Asoka insists upon his officers strictly observing the 
principles of Dandasamata and Vyavaharasamata. 
Pandit Sastri takes the expressions to mean equality of 
punishment and equality in lawsuits irrespective of caste, 
colour and creed, and adds that this order was very 
offensive to the Brahmanas who claimed many privileges 
including immunity from capital punishment. 

The passage containing the expressions Dandasamata 
and Vyavaharasamata should not be divorced from its 
context and interpreted as if it were an isolated ukase. 
We quote the passage with the context below : — 

To my Bajukas set over many hundred thousands of 
people I have granted independence in the award of 
honours and penalties. But as it is desirable that there 


should be uniformity in judicial procedure (Vyava- 
harasamata) and uniformity in penalties (Dandasamata), 
from this time forward my rule is this — " To condemned 
nuMi lying in prison under sentence of death a respite of 
three days is granted by me." 

It is clear from the extract quoted above that the 
order regarding Vyavaharasamata and Dandasamata is to" 
be understood in connection with the general policy of 
decentralisation which the Emperor introduced. Asoka 
granted independence to the Rajukas in the awtird of 
penalties, but he did not like that the Danla and Vyava- 
hara prevalent within the jurisdiction of one Rajuka 
should be entirely different from those prevailing within 
the jurisdiction of others. 1 He wanted to maintain some 
uniformity (samata) both in Drinda (penalties) as well as 
in Vvavahara (procedure). As an instance he refers to 
the rule about the granting of a respite of three days to 
condemned men. The Samata which he enforced involved 
a curtailment of the autonomy of the Rajukas and did 
not necessarily infringe on the alleged immunity of the 
Brahmanas from capital punishment. 

But were the Brahmanas really immune from capital 
punishment in ancient India ? The immunity was certain- 
ly not known to the Kuru-Pafichala Brahmanas who 
thronged to the court of Janaka. In the Brihadaranyaka 
Upanishad (III. 9. 26) we have a reference to a Brahmana 
disputant who failed to answer a question of Yajfiavalkya 
and lost his head. We learn from the Panchavims'a 
Brahmana (VetHc Index, II, p. 81) that a Purohita might 
be punished with death for treachery to his master. 
Kautilya, p. 229, tells us that a Brahmana guilty of treason 
was to b^ drowned. Readers of the Mihabharata are 
familiar with the stories of the punishments inflicted 

' I am indebted for this suggestion to Mr. S. K* Majumd&r. 



on Mandavya (Adi, 107) and Likhita (Santi, 23, 36). The 
life of a Brahmana was not so sacrosanct in ancient as in 
mediaeval and modern India. We learn from the Aitareya 
Brahmana that king Harischandra of the Ikshvaku 
family did not scruple to offer a Brahmana boy as a 
victim in a sacrifice. 

Against the surmises regarding the anti-Br~ihmanical 
policy of Asoka we have the positive evidence of some of 
his inscriptions which proves the Emperor's solicitude for 
the well-being of the Brahmanas. Thus in Rock Edict 
III he inculcates liberality to Brahmanas. In Edict IV 
he speaks with disapproval of unseemly behaviour towards 
Brahmanas. In Edict V he refers to the employment of 
Dharmamahamatras to promote the welfare and happiness 
of the Brahmanas. 

Pandit Sastri says further that as soon as the strong 
hand of As'oka was removed the Brahmanas seemed to 
have stood against his successors. We have no evidence 
of any such conflict between the children of As'oka and 
the Brahmanas. On the other hand if the Brahmana histo- 
rian of Kas'mtr is to be believed the relations between 
Jalauka, one of the sons and successors of As'oka and the 
Brahmanical Hindus were entirely friendly. 

In conclusion Pandit &astri refers to the assassination of 
the last Maurya Emperor of Magadha by Pushyamitra Sunga 
and says, " We clearly see the hands of the Brahmanas 
in the great revolution." But the Buddhist remains at 
Bhfirhut erected "during the supremacy of theSuiigas" do 
not bear out the theory which represents Pushyamitra and 
his de.-e Midants as the leaders of a militant Brahmanism. 
Are inferences deduced from uncorroborated writings 
of late authors like Taranath to bo preferred to the t 
testimony of contemporary monuments ? Even admitting 
that Pushyamitra was a militant Brahmanist we fail 
to see how the decay and dismemberment of the Maurya 


Empire can be attributed primarily to him or his Brahmanist 
followers. The Empire was a shrivelled and attenuated 
carcase long before the Auriga coup cVelat of 185 13. C. We 
learn from the Bajatarangini that immediately after the 
death of Asoka one of his own sons, Jalauka, made himself 
independent in Kas'mir and conquered the plains including 
Kanauj. The loss of the northern provinces is confirmed 
by Greek evidence. We learn from Polybius that about 
206 B. C, there ruled over them a king named Sopha- 
gasenus (Subhagasena). We quote the passage referring 
to the king below : — 

" He (Antiochos the Great) crossed the Caucasus and 
descended into India ; renewed his friendship with 
Sophagasenus, the king of the Indians ; received more 
elephants, until he had 150 altogether, and having once 
more provisioned his troops, set out again personally with 
his army, leaving Androsthenes of Cyzicus, the duty of 
taking home the treasure which this king had agreed to 
hand over to him." 

It will be seen that Subhagasena was a king and not a 
petty chief of the Kabul valley as Dr. Smith would have 
us believe. He is called " King of the Indians " a title which 
was applied by the Classical writers to great kings like 
Chandragupta and Demetrios. There is nothing in the 
account of Polybius to show that he was vanquished by the 
Syrian king in war or was regarded by the latter as a subor- 
dinate ruler. On the contrary the statement that Antiochos 
" renewed his friendship with Sophagasenus, king of the 
Indians" proves that the two monarchs met on equal terms 
and friendly relations were established between them. The 
renewal of friendship on the part of the Greek king and 
the surrender of elephants on the part of his Indian 
brother only remind us of the relations subsisting between 
Chandragupta and Seleukos. Further the expression 
"renewal of friendship'' seems to suggest that Subhagasena 


had bad previous dealings with Antiochos. Consequently 
he must have come to the throne sometime before 
206 B.C. The existence of an independent kingdom in the 
north-west before 206 B.C. shows that the Maurya Empire 
must have begun to break up nearly a quarter of a century 
before the usurpation of rushyamitra. 

We have seen that the theory which ascribes the decline 
and dismemberment of the Maurya Empire to a Brahmani- 
cal revolution led by Pushyamitra Suriga does not bear 
scrutiny. Was the Maurya disruption due primarily to 
the Greek invasions? The earliest Greek invasion after 
As'oka, that of Antiochos the Great, took place about 
206 B.C., and we have seen that the combined testimony 
of Kalhana and Polybius leaves no room for doubt that 
the dissolution of the empire began long before the raid 
of the Hellenistic monarch. 

What then were the primary causes of the disintegra- 
tion of the mighty empire ? There are good grounds for 
believing that the government of the outlying provinces 
by the imperial officials was oppressive. Already in the 
time of Bindusara ministerial oppression had goaded the 
people of Taxila to open rebellion. The Divyavadana 
says (p. 371) :— 

"Atha Rajno Vindusarasya Takshas'ila nama nagaram 
viruddham. Tatra Ilajna Vindusaren As'oko visarjitah .. 
yavat Kumaras'chaturangena balakayena Takshasilam 
gatafr, s'rutva Takshas'ila nivasinah paurah pratyudgamya 
cha kathayanti ' na vayam Kumarasya viruddhah napi 
Ilajno Vindusilrasya api tu dushtamatya asmakam 
paribhavam kurvanti.' " 

"Now Taxila a city of Bindusara's revolted. The king 

Bindusara despatched As'oka there while the prince 

was nearing Taxila with the four-fold army, the resident 
Pauras of Taxila, on hearing of it... came out to meet him 
and said : — ' We are not opposed to the prince nor even 


to king Bindusiira. But these wicked ministers insult 
us ! ' " 

Taxila again revolted during the reign of As'oka and 
the cause was again the tyranny of the ministers. 
" Rajnos'okasyottarapathe Takshasila nagaram virud- 
dham...." Prince Kunala was deputed to the govern- 
ment of the city. When the prince went there the 
people said "na vayam Kumarasyaviruddha na rajiio' 
sokasyapitu dushtatmano 'matya agatyasmakam apamanam 

The Divyavadana is no doubt a late work, but the 
reality of ministerial oppression to which it refers is 
affirmed by As'oka himself in the Kalinga Edicts. 
Addressing the High officers (Mahamatras) in charge 
of Tosali he says: "All men are my children; and 
just as I desire for my children that they may 
enjoy every kind of prosperity and happiness both in 
this world and in the next, so also I desire the same 
for all men. You, however, do not grasp this truth 
to its full extent. Some individual, perchance, pays 
heed, but to a part only, not the whole. See then to this, 
for the principle of government is well established. 
Again, it happens that some individual incurs imprison- 
ment or torture and when the result is his imprisonment 
without due cause, many other people are deeply grieved... 
Ill performance of duty can never gain my regard... 
The restraint or torture of the townsmen may not take 
place without due cause. And for this purpose, in accord- 
ance with the Law of Piety, I shall send forth in rotation 
every five years such persons as are of mild and temperate 
disposition, and regardful of the sanctity of life.... From 
Ujjain, however, the Prince for this purpose will send out 
a similar body of officials, and will not over-pass three 
years. In the same way — from Taxila " (Smith, Asoka, 
third Ed., pp. 194-190). 


From the concluding words of the Edict it appears 
that official maladministration was not confined to the 
province of Kalinga. The state of affairs at Ujjain and 
Taxila was similar. It is thus clear that the loyalty of 
the provincials was being slowly undermined by minis- 
terial oppression long before the &unga revolution of 
185 B.C., and the Greek invasion of 206 B.C. Asoka 
no doubt did his best to check the evil, but he was ill 
served by his officers. It is significant that the provin- 
cials of the north-west — the very people who complained 
of tne oppression of the dushtamatyas as early as the 
reign of Bindusara were the first to break away from the 
Maurya empire. 

The Magadhan successors of As'oka had neither the 
strength nor perhaps the will to arrest the process of 
disruption. 1 The martial ardour of imperial Magadha 
had vanished with the last cries of agony uttered in the 
battlefields of Kaliiiga. Asoka had given up the aggres- 
sive militarism of his forefathers and had evolved a policy 
of Dhammavijaya which must have seriously impaired 
the military efficiency of his empire. He had called upon 
his sons and grandsons to eschew new conquests, avoid 
the shedding of blood and take pleasure in patience and 
gentleness. These latter had heard more of Dhammaghosa 
than of Bherighosa. It is, therefore, not at all surprising 
that the vols faineants who succeeded to the imperial throne 
of Pataliputra proved unequal to the task of maintaining 
the integrity of the mighty fabric reared by the genius 
of Chandragupta and Chanakya. 

The disintegration which set in before 20G B.C. was 
accelerated by the invasions led by the Yavanas referred to 
in the Gargi Samhita and the Mahabhashya of Patanjali. 
The final coup de grace was given by Pushyamitra do&ga, 

1 On the contrary, if the (Mrpt Sainhii.i is to bo believed, one of his successors, 
namely, Salisuka actually quickened the pace by his tyranny — Sarushtra mardatc 
ghoram dharmarftdi adhflrmikah. 



I. The Reign of Pushyamitka. 

Brihadratha, the last Maurya^Emperor of Magadha, was, 
according to the Puran,as and the Harshaeharita, assassi- 
nated by his general Pushyamitra Suriga who usurped the 
throne, and founded a new dynasty — that of the $ungas. 

The origin of the &unga family is wrapped up in 
obscurity. According to one theory the $urigas were 
Iranians, worshippers of the Sun (Mithra). Others re- 
gard them as Brahmanas. Curiously enough Panini in 
Sutra IV. 1. 117 connects the &ungas with the well 
known Brahmana family of the Bharadvajas. ^auiigl- 
putra " son of a female descendant of Sunga " is the 
name of a teacher in the Biihadaranyaka Upanishad (VI. 
4. 31). ^auugayani " descendant of $aunga " is the name 
of a teacher in the Varhsa Brahmana. Macdonell and 
Keith point out that the ^ui'igao are known as teachers in 
the Asvalayana Srautasutra (XII. 13. 5, etc.). It is not 
known for certain when and why the &uugas, like the 
Kadambas of a later date, exchanged the ferule for the 
sword. There is no reason to think that As'oka tyrannised 
over the Brahmanas and that his oppression forced them 
to engage in non-priestly pursuits. Brahmana Senupatis 
were by no means rare in ancient India (cf. the cases of 
Lhoia, Kripa and Asvatthaman in the Mahabharata). 

The dominions of Pushvamitra extended to the river 
Narmada, and included the cities of Pataliputra, Vidisi 
and, if Taranatha is to be believed, Jalandhara. 
It appears from the Divyavadana, p. 434, that the 
Emperor himself continued to reside in Pataliputra. The 
Malavikagnimitram tells us that Vidisa was governed by 


Prince Agnimitra, probably as his father's Viceroy. 
Agnimitra's queen had a brother of inferior caste, named 
Virasena. He was placed in command of a frontier 
fortress on the banks of the Narmada (Atthi devie vana- 
varo bhada Viraseno nama, so bhattina antavaladugge 
Nammadfitire thavido). Liiders' Inscriptions, Nos. G87- 
688, seem to suggest that Bharhut (in Baghelkhand) W9M 
governed by a Suriga feudatory. 

Jffairs in the Deccan. 

It appears from the Malavikagnimitram that the 
foundation of the Suriga dynasty synchronised with the 
establishment of a new kingdom in the Deccan, viz., 
Vidarbha. Agnimitra's Amatya refers to the kingdom as 
achiradhishthita (established not long ago) and compares 
its king to a tree which is newly planted and therefore not 
firm (navasamropanasitliilas(aru). The king of Vidarbha 
is represented as a relation of the Maurya minister 
(Sachiva) and a natural enemy (prakrityamitra) of the 
^ungas. It appears that during the reign of Brihadratha 
Maurya there were two parties or factions in the Magadha 
Empire, one headed by the king's Sachiva or minister, 
the other headed by his Senapati or general. The 
minister's partisan Yajfiasena was appointed governor of 
Vidarbha, while the general's son Agnimitra got the 
Viceroyalty of Vidisa. "When the general organised his 
coup d'etat, killed the king, and imprisoned the minister, 
Yajfiasena apparently declared his independence and 
commenced hostilities against the usurping family. This 
is why he is called achiradhishthitarajya and prakrit vi- 
mitra by Agnimitra and his Amatya. 

The Malavikagnimitram says that when Kumara 
Madhavasena, a cousin of Yajfiasena and a partisan of 
Agnimitra, was secretly on his way to Vidisa, he was 


captured by an Antapala (Warden of the Marches) of 
Yajiiasena and kept in custody. Agnimitra demanded 
his surrender. The Vidarbha king promised to give him 
up on condition that his brother-in-law the Maurya 
minister should be released. This enraged the $unga 
Prince who ordered Vlrasena to march against Vidarbha. 
Yajnasena was defeated. Madhavasena was released and 
the kingdom of Vidarbha was divided between the two 
cousins, the river Varada forming the boundary between 
the two states. 

In the opinion of several scholars an enemy more 
formidable than Yajnasena threatened the $uiiga domi- 
nions from Kalinga. In his Oxford History of India 
(Additions and Corrections and p. 58 n.) Dr. Smith accepts 
the view that Kharavela, king of Kalinga, defeated 
Pushyamitra who is called Bahapatimita or Bahasatimita 
in the Hathigumpha Inscription. Prof. Dubreuil also 
seems to endorse the view that Kharavela was the anta- 
gonist of Pushyamitra, and that the Hathigumpha 
Inscription is dated the 165th year of Raja-Muriyakala 
which corresponds to the 13 th year of the reign of 

Dr. Majumdar points out (Ind. Ant., 1919, p. 189) 
that of the six letters of the Hathigumpha Inscription 
which have been read as Bahasatimitam, the second letter 
seems to have a clear V sign attached to it, and the 
third and fourth letters look like pa and sa. Even if the 
reading Bahasatimitam or Bahapatimitam be accepted as 
correct, the identification of Bahasati(Brihaspatimitra) with 
Pushyamitra on the ground that Brihaspati is the regent 
of the nakshatra or Zodiacal asterism Pushya, also named 
Tishya, in the constellation Cancer or the Crab, cannot be 
regarded as final in the absence of further evidence. 
In this connection we should note that the Divyavadana 
(p. 434) represents Pataliputra as the residence of 


Pushyamitra whereas the Magadhan antagonist of Khara- 
vela is called Rajagahanapa and apparently resided in 
the city of Rajagriha. 

The date " 165th year of the Muriyakala " is deduced 
from a passage of the Hathigumpha inscription which was 
read as follows (Jayaswal, JRORS, 1917, p. 450) :— 

Panamtariyasat-hivasasate Raja-Muriya-kalevochch- 

There is another passage in the same inscription which 
runs thus : — 

Parpehame cha danl vase Namda-raja ti-vasa-sata 
(m ?) — oghatitam Tanasuliya-vata-panadim Nagaram 
pavesa-ti {ibid, p. 465). 

If Panamtariya sathivasasate be taken to mean 165 
years, tivasasata should be taken to mean 103 years and 
we shall have to conclude that Kharavela flourished 1G5 
years after a Maurya king and only 103 years after 
Nandaraja which is impossible as the Nandas preceded the 
Mauryas. If on the other hand tivasasata be taken to 
mean 300 years, panamtariyasathivasasate should be 
taken to mean not 165 but 6,500 years. In other words 
Kharavela will have to be placed 6,500 years after a 
Maurya which is also impossible. Mr. Jayaswal has 
himself now given up the reading " panamtariya-sathi- 
vasa-sate Raja-Muriya-kale vochchhine cha chhe-yathi 
Argasi ti kamtariyam upadiyati " in line 16, and proposes 
to read " panatariya sata-sahasehi Muriya kalam vochhinam 
cha choyathi agasatikamtariyam upadayati." He translates 
the expression beginning with Muriyakala " he (the king) 
completes the Muriya time (era), counted, and being of 
an interval of 64 with a century " (J130RS, Vol. IV, Part 
IV). With regard to this new reading and translation 
Professor Chanda observes (M. A. S I., No. 1, p. 10) "the 
rendering of vochhine as ■ counted ' is even more far-fetched 
than ' expired.' The particle cha after vochhine makes 

The reign of pushyamitra 201 

it difficult to read it as vochhinam qualifying the sub- 
stantive Muriyakalam. Even if we overlook vochhine, 
the passage appears to be a very unusual way of stating a 
date. Still more unusual is the statement of a date as an 
independent achievement in a prasasti." It may be added 
that there is no trace of the existence of a Maurya era. 

Mr. Jayaswal takes tivasasata to mean 300 years 
and places Kharavela and Pushyamitra three centuries 
after Nandaraja whom he identifies with Nandavardhana. 
But we have already seen that Nandavardhana or Nandi- 
vardhana was a &aisunaga king, and that the $ais'unagas do 
not appear to have had anything to do with Kaliiiga. " It 
is not Nandivardhana but Mahapadma Nanda who is said 
to have brought ' all under his sole sway ' and ■ uprooted all 
Kshatriyas ' or the old reigning families. So we should 
identify Namdaraja of the Hathigumpha inscription 
who held possession of Kalinga either with the all-conquer- 
ing Mahapadma Nanda or one of his sons." (M. A. S. I., 
No. I, p. 12.) As Mahapadma and his sons ruled in the 
fourth century B. C. Kharavela must be assigned either 
to the third century B. C. (taking tivasasata to mean 
103) or to the first century B.C. (taking tivasasata to 
mean 300). In either case he could not have been a 
contemporary of Pushyamitra &unga who ruled from 
about 185 to U9 B.C. 

The Yavana Invasion. 

The only undoubted historical events of Pushyamitra's 
time, besides the coup d'etat of 185 B.C. and the Vidarbha 
war, are the Greek invasion from the North- West referred 
to by Patanjali and Kalidasa, and the celebration of the 
horse sacrifice. 

Patanjali was a contemporary of Pushyamitra. Sir R. 
G. Bhandarkar draws our attention to the passage in the 


Mahabhashya — iha Pushy amitram yajayaraah " here we 
perform the sacrifices by Pushyamitra " which is cited as 
an illustration of the Vartika teaching the use of the 
present tense to denote an action which has been begun 
but not finished (Ind. Ant., 1872, p. 300). The instances 
given by Patanjali of the use of the imperfect to indicate 
an action well-known to people, but not witnessed by 
the speaker, and still possible to have been seen by him, 
are, Arunad Yavanah Saketam : Arunad Yavauo Madhya- 
mikam. This, says Sir It. G. Bhandarkar, shows that a 
certain Yavana or Greek prince had besieged Saketa or 
Ayodhya and another place called Madhyamika (near 
Chitor ; cf. Mbh. II. 32.8) when Patanjali wrote this. 
Kalidasa in his Malavikagnimitram refers to a conflict 
between the $unga prince Vasumitra and a Yavana on the 
southern bank of the Sindhu. Unfortunately the name 
of the invader is not given either in the Mahabhashya 
or the Malavikagnimitram. There is a considerable 
divergence of opinion with regard to his identity. But 
all agree that he was a Bactrian Greek. 

The Bactrian Greeks were originally subjects of the 
Seleukidan Empire. We learn from Strabo, Trogus and 
Justin that about the middle of the third century B. C. 
when the Seleukid rulers were pre-occupied in the west 
Diodotos or Theodotus " Governor of the thousand cities 
of Bactria " revolted and assumed the title of king. He 
was succeeded, according to Justin, by his son Theodotus 
II who entered into an alliance with Arsakes who about 
this time tore Parthia from the Seleukidan Empire. 

The successor of Theodotus II (Diodotos II) was Euthy- 
demos. We learn from Strabo (H. & F.'s Ed., Vol. II, 
p. 251) that Euthydemos and his party occasioned the 
revolt of all the country near the province of Bactriana. 
We are told by Polybius that Antiochos III of Syria made 
an attempt to recover the lost provinces but afterwards 


made peacewith Euthydemos. The historian says " Antio- 
chos the Great received the young prince (Demetrios, 
son of Euthydemos) and judging from his appearance, 
conversation and the dignity of his manners that he was 
worthy of royal honour he first promised to give him 
one of his daughters, and secondly, conceded the royal 
title to his father. And having on the other points caused 
a written treaty to be drawn up and the terms of the 
treaty to be confirmed on oath, he marched away, after 
liberally provisioning his troops, and accepting the 
elephants belonging to Euthydemos. He crossed the 
Caucasus and descended into India ; renewed his friendship 
with Sophagasenus, the king of the Indians ; received 
more elephants, until he had 150 altogether, and 
having once more provisioned his troops, set out again 
personally with his army, leaving Androsthenes of 
Cyzicus, the duty of taking home the treasure which this 
king had agreed to hand over to him." 

Not long after the expedition of Antiochos the Great, 
the Bactrian Greeks themselves formed the design of 
extending their kingdom by the conquest of the territories 
lying to the south of the Hindukush. Strabo says " the 
Greeks who occasioned its (Bactria's) revolt became so 
powerful that they became masters of Ariana and India, 
according to Apollodorus of Artemita. Their chiefs, parti- 
cularly Menander (if he really crossed the Hypanis ■ to the 
east and reached Isamus 2 ) conquered more nations than 
Alexander. These conquests were achieved partly by 
Menander, partly by Demetrios, son of Euthydemos, king 
of the Bactrians. They got possession not only of Patal- 
ene, but of the kingdoms of Saraostos (Surashtra or 
Kathiawar), and Sigerdis (probably Sagaradvipa of the 

1 i.e., the Hyphasis or VipSsa (the Bens). 

1 The Trisflmft ? In the BhSgarata l'uranr. (V. 19. 17) a river of thk name ia 
mentioned in conjunction With the Kausiki, Mandakint, YamunA, etc> 


Mahabharata, II. 31. 66, i. e. Cutch) which constitute the 
remainder of the coast. Apollodorus in short says that 
Bactriana is the ornament of all A.riana. They extended 
their empire even as far as the Seres and Phryni." (Strabo, 
Hamilton and Falconer, Vol. II, pp. 252-253.) 

Strabo gives the credit for spreading the Greek domi- 
nion furthest to the east into India partly to Menander 
and partly to Demetrios, son of Euthydemos and son-in- 
law of Antiochos the Great. 

Menander has been identified with the king Milinda 
who is mentioned in the Milindapanho as a contemporary 
of the Buddhist Thera Nagasena. This monarch was born 
at Kalsigrama (Trenckner, Milindapanho, p. 83) in the 
Island of Alasanda or Alexandria {ibid, p. 82) and had his 
capital at Sagala or Sakala, modern Siillkot, in the Panjab 
{ibid, pp. 3, 14), and not at Kabul as Dr. Smith seemed 
to think (EHL, 1914, p. 225). The extent of his conquest 
is indicated by the great variety and wide diffusion of his 
coins which have been found over a very wide extent of 
country, as far west as Kabul, and as far east as Mathura 
(SBE., Vol. XXXV, p. xx). The author of the Periplus 
states that small silver coins, inscribed with Greek charac- 
ters and bearing the name of Menander were still current 
in his time (cir. 60-80 A. D.) at the port of Barygaza 
(Broach). Plutarch tells us that Menander was noted for 
justice, and enjoyed such popularity with his subjects 
that upon his death, which took place in camp, diverse 
cities contended for the possession of his ashes. The state- 
ment of Plutarch is important as showing that Menan- 
der's dominions included many cities. 

Demetrios has been identified by some with king 
Dattamitra mentioned in the Mahabharata (1. 139. 23) and 
the " grete Emetreus, the king of Inde " of Chaucer's 
Knighte8 Tale. The wide extent of his conquests is 
proved by the existence of several cities named after him 


or his father in Afghanistan as well as India. Thus in the 
work of Isidore of Charax (JRAS., 1915, p. 830) we have 
a reference to a city named Demetrias Polis in Arachosia. 
The Mahabhashya mentions a city in Sauvira called 
Dilttamitri (Ind. Ant., 1911, Foreign Elements in the 
Hindu Population ; Bomb. Gaz., I. ii. 11). Ptolemy the 
Geographer mentions the city of Euthymedia (Euthy- 
demia ?) which was identical with Sakala (Ind. Ant., 
1884, pp. 349-350) and was, according to the Milindapanho, 
the capital of the Indo-Greek Empire in the time of 

It is permissible to conjecture that one of the two con- 
quering kings, viz., Menander and Demetrios, was identi- 
cal with the, Yavana invader who penetrated to Saketa in 
Oudh, Madhyamika near Ohitor, and the river Sindhu in 
Central India, in the time of Pushyamitra. Goldstucker, 
Smith and many other scholars identified the invader 
with Menander who crossed the Hypanis and penetrated 
as far as the Isamus (Trisama ' ?). On the other hand, 
Prof. Bhandarkar suggested, in his Foreign Elements in 
the Hindu Population, the identification of the invader 
with Demetrios. "We learn from Polybius that Demetrios 
was a young man at the time of Antiochus Ill's invasion 
cir. 206 B. C. Justin says that Demetrios was* " king of 
the Indians " when Eukratides was king of the Bactrians 
and Mithridates was king of the Parthians. " Almost at 
the same time that Mithridates ascended the throne among 
the Parthians, Eukratides began to reign among the 
Bactrians ; both of them being great men ... Eukratides 
carried on several wars with great spirit, and though 
much reduced by his losses in them, yet, when he was 
besieged by Demetrios king of the .Indians, with a garri- 
son of only 300 soldiers, he repulsed, by continual sallies, 

1 Trisams is a river mentioned in the Bhagavata Purana, together with the 
Kaufiiki, Mandukni, Yamuna, etc. 


a force of 60,000 enemies." Dr. Smith assigns 
Mithridates to the period from 171 to 136 B. C. Eukra- 
tides and Demetrios must also be assigned to that period, 
that is, the middle of the second century B. C. 

We have seen that Demetrios was a young man and a 
prince in 205 B. C. We now find that he ruled as king 
of the Indians in the middle of the second century B. C. 
He was, therefore, the Indo-Greek contemporary of 
Pushyamitra Sunga who ruled from 185 to 149 B. C. 
Menander, on the other hand, must have ruled over the 
Indo-Greek kingdom much later, as will be apparent from 
the facts noted below. Justin tells us that Demetrios 
was deprived of his Indian possessions by Eukratides 
(Watson's Ed., p. 277). Eukratides was killed by his son 
with whom he had shared his throne (ibid, 277). The 
•identity of the parricide is uncertain but no one says that 
he was Menander. 1 

Justin furnishes the important information that the 
prince who murdered Eukratides was a colleague of his 
father. We know that Greek rulers who reigned conjoint- 
ly sometimes issued joint coins. Thus we have joint 
coins of Lysias and Antialkidas, of Strato and Agathok- 
leia, of Strato I and Strato II, and of Hermaios and 
Kalliope. The only Greeks whose names and portraits 
appear on a coin together with those of Eukratides are 
Heliokles and his wife Laodike. Gardner suggested that 

1 According to Cunningham and Smith the parricide was Apollodotos. But 
Kapson shows good reasons for believing that Apollodotos did not belong to the 
family of Eukratides but was on the other hand a ruler of Kffpisa who was onsted by 
Eukratides (JRAS., 1905, pp. 784-785). Rawlinson points out (Intercourse between 
India and the Western World, p. 73) that Apollodotos uses the epithet Philopator, 
tuid the title would be somewhat incongruous if he were a parricide. It may be 
argued that the parricide was Apollodotos Soter and not Apollodotos Philopator, but 
we should remember that the titles Soter and Philopator sometimes occur on the 
same coin (Whitehead, Catalogue of Coins, p, 48) and therefore it is impossible to 
justify the separation of Apollodotos Soter and Apollodotos Philopator as 
two entities. 


Heliokles and Laodike were the father and mother of 
Eukratides. But Von Sallet (Ind. Ant., 1880, p. 256) pro- 
posed an entirely different interpretation of the coins in 
question. He thought that they were issued by Eukra- 
tides, not in honour of his parents, but on the occesion of 
the marriage of his son Heliokles with a Laodike whom 
Von Sallet conjectured to have been daughter of Demetrios 
by the daughter of Antiochos III. If Von Sallet's conjec- 
ture be accepted then it is permissible to think that 
Heliokles was the colleague of Eukratides referred to by 
Justin, and the murderer of his father. 

It is clear from what has been stated above that Deme- 
trios was succeeded by Eukratides, who in his turn, was 
followed by Heliokles. Menander could not have reigned 
earlier than Heliokles. It may however be argued that 
after Demetrios the Indo-Greek kingdom split up into two 
parts, one part which included the Trans-Indus territories 
was ruled by Eukratides and his son, the other part which 
included Euthymedia or Sakala was ruled by Menander 
who thus might have been a younger contemporary of 
Eukratides (cir. 171 B.C.) and consequently of Pushya- 
mitra Sunga (cir. 185-149 B.C.). 

Now, the disruption of the Indo-Greek kingdom after 
Demetrios may be accepted as an historical fact. The 
existence of two rival Greek kingdoms in India and their 
mutual dissensions are proved by literary and numismatic 
evidence. The Puranas say : — 

Bhavishyantiha Yavana dharmatal? kamato'rthatal^ 
naiva murdhabhishiktas te bhavishyanti naradhipa\i 
yuga-dosha-duraehara bhavishyanti nripas tu te 
strlnam bala-vadhenaiva hatca chaiva parasparam. 

M There will be Yavanas here by reason of religious 
feeling or ambition or plunder ; they will not be kings 
solemnly anointed but will follow evil customs by reason 


of the corruptions of the age. Massacring women and 
children and killing one another, kings will enjoy the 
earth at the end of the Kali age." (Pargiter.) 

The Gargt Samhita says — 

Madhyadese na sthasyanti'Yavana yuddha durmadah 
Teshamanyonya sambhava (?) bhavishyanti nasaihsiyah 
Atmachakrotthitam ghorarii yuddham paramadarunam 

" The fiercely fighting Greeks will not stay in the Madhya- 
desa ; there will be a cruel, dreadful war in their own 
kingdom, caused between themselves " (Kern, Brihat 
Samhita, p. 38). 

Coins bear testimony to struggles between kings 
of the house of Eukratides and kings of the family of 
Euthydemos. But the evidence which we have got 
clearly indicates that the contemporaries and rivals of 
Eukratides and Heliokles were Apollodotos, Agathokleia 
and Strato I, and not Menander. Certain square 
bronze coins of Eukratides have on the obverse a bust 
of the king and the legend Basileus Megalou Eukra 
tidou. On the reverse there is the f gure of Zeus and the 
legend Kavisiye. nagara-devata. They are often coins of 
Apollodotos restruck (llapson, J HAS., 1905, 785). From 
this it is clear that Apollodotos was a rival of Eukratides 
and was superseded in the rule of Kapis'a by the latter. 
Hapson further points out (JRAS., 1905, pp. 1G5 fT) that 
Heliokles restruck the coins of Agathokleia and Strato I 
ruling conjointly. Further, the restriking is always by 
Heliokles, never by Agathokleia and Strato I. From this 
it is clear that Agathokleia and Strato I ruled over an 
Indo-Greek principality either before, or in the time of 
Heliokles, but not after him. 

We have seen that according to the evidence of Justin 
and the Kapisa coins Kukratides fought against two rivals 


namely Demetrios and Apollodotos, his son Ileliokles also 
fought against two rivals, namely, Agathokleia and Strato 
I. As Demetrios and Apollodotos were both antagonists 
of Eukratides and used the same coin-types, the inevitable 
inference is that they were very near in time as well as 
in relationship to one another, in fact that one imme- 
diately followed the other. Now Demetrios was beyond 
doubt the son and successor of Euthydemos, consequently 
Apollodotos must have been his successor. 

As Heliokles was a son of Eukratides, the rival of 
Apollodotos, he must have been a younger contemporary 
of Apollodotos. Consequently Heliokles' antagonists 
Agathokleia and Strato I, whose coins he restruck, were 
very near in time to Apollodotos. Strato I later on ruled 
conjointly with his grandson Strato II. There is no room 
for the long and prosperous reign of Menander in the 
period which elapsed from Demetrios to Strato II. 
According to the Buddhist tradition recorded in the 
Milindapafiho, Milinda or Menander flourished" 500 years " 
(i. e. y in the fifth century, cf. Smith, EHI, 3rd edition, 328) 
after the Parinirvana (parinibbanato panchavassasate 
atikkante ete upajjissanti, Trenckner, the Milinda-panho, 
p. 3). This tradition probably points to a date in the first 
century B. C. for Menander. Thus both according to 
numismatic evidence and literary tradition Menander 
could not have been the Indo-Greek contemporary of 
Pushyamitra Siuisra. It is Demetrios who should, there- 
fore, be identified with the Yavana invader referred to by 
Patanjali and Kalidasa. 

The Ascamedha Sacrifice. 

After the victorious wars with Vidarbha and the Yavanas 
Pushyamitra celebrated a horse-sacrifice. This sacrifice is 
regarded by some scholars as marking an early stage in the 


Bralimanical reaction which was fully developed five cen- 
turies later in the time of Samudra Gupta and his successors. 
Late Buddhist writers are alleged to represent Pushyamitra 
as a cruel persecutor of the religion of $akyamuni. But 
the Buddhist monuments at Bharhut erected "duriiuj the 
supremacy of the Surigas " do not bear out the theory that 
the Sungas were the leaders of a militant BrahmanNm. 
Though staunch adherents of orthodox Hinduism the 
Suiigas do not appear to have been so intolerant as some 
writers represent them to be. 

The 3Iunf? , ipa?'ishad in (he ISuhga Period. 

If Kalidasa is to be believed the Mantriparishad 
(Assembly of Councillors) continued to be an important 
element of the governmental machinery during the reign 
of Pushyamitra. The poet supplies us with the important 
information that even the viceregal princes were assisted 
by Parishads. 1 The Malavikagnimitram refers in clear 
terms to the dealings of Prince Agnimitra, the viceroy of 
VidisM, with his own Parishad : 

" Deva ! evam Amatyaparishado vijnapayami 

" Mantriparishado'pyetadeva darsanam 

Dvidha vibhaktam sriyamudvahantau 
dhuram ratlmsvaviva sami?rahituh 
sthashyataste nripate nides'e 
paraspara va gftftfa an i r v i ka rail 
Raja : tena hi Mantriparishadaih bruhi senanye Vlrasenaya 
lekhvalamevam krivatamiti." 

It seems that the tVmatyaparishad or Mantriparish id 
was duly consulted whenever an important matter of 
foreign policy had to be decided. 

' Bilhler points out that Asoka's Kmnlras also are each aasiste \ by a body of 
Mihamatrai. These probably correspond to tho KaimlrfimStyat of the Gupta period. 

ACiMMlTKA 211 

II. Agnimitra and his Successors. 

Pushvamitra died in or about 149 B.C. after a reisjii 
of 36 years, and was succeeded by his son Agnimitra. 
The name of a prince named Agnimitra has been found 
on several copper coins discovered in Rohilkhand. 
Cunningham (Coins of Ancient India, p. 79) was of 
opinion that this prince was probably not a Suriga, but 
belonged to a local dynasty of North Paiichala (Rohil- 
khand). He gave two reasons for this conclusion : 

1. Agnimitra's is the only coin-name found in the 
Puranic lists. The names of the other Mitra kin^s do not 
agree with those found in the Puranas. 

2. The coins are very rarely found beyond the limits 
of North Paiichala. 

As to the first point Rivett-Carnac (Ind. Ant., 1880, 
311) and Jayaswal have shown (JBORS, 1917, p. 479) 
that several coin-names besides that of Agnimitra can be 
identified with those found in the Puranic lists of $unga 
and Kanva kings ; for example, Jethamitra may be identi- 
fied with the successor of Agnimitra. Vasu-Jyeshtha or 
Su-Jyeshtha who is called simply Jyeshtha in the k Vishnu 
manuscript (Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 31, n.12). Bhadra- 
ghosha may be identified with Ghosha the seventh king 
of the Puranic list of £unga kings. Bhumimitra may 
be identified with the Kanva king of that name. Several 
names indeed cannot be identified, but they may have 
been names of those £urigas who survived the usurpation 
of Vasudeva Kanva, and the remnant of whose power 
was destroyed by the Andhrabhrityas and Sisunandi 
(Dynasties of the Kali Age, 49). 

As to the second point we should remember that 
Mitra coins have been found at Kosambi, Ayodhya and 
Mathura as well as in Panchala. Names of the Mitra 
kings Brahmamitra and Indramitra are found engraved 


on two rail pillars at Budh Gaya as well as on coins dis- 
covered at Mathura and North Panchala. In the face 
of these facts it is difficult to say that the Mitras were 
a local dynasty of North Panchala. 

Agnimitra's successor, as we have already seen, was 
Jyeshtha of the k Vishnu manuscript who is very probably 
identical with Jethamitra of the coins (Coins of Ancient 
[ndia, p. 74). 

The next king Vasumitra was a son of Agnimitra. 
During the life-time of his grandfather he had led the 
Auriga army against the Yavanas and defeated them on 
the Sindhu (in Central India) which probably formed the 
boundary between the Suriga and Indo-Greek dominions. 

Vasumitra's successor is called Bhadraka in the Bhaga- 
vata Purana, Ardraka and Odruka in the Vishnu, 
Andhraka in the Vayu, and Antaka in the Matsya 
Purana. Mr. Jayaswal identifies him with Udaka men- 
tioned in a Pabhosa Inscription which runs thus : M Bj 
Asadhasena, the son of Gopali Vaihidari and maternal 
uncle of king Bahasatimitra, son of Gopali, a cave was 
caused to be made in the tenth year of Udaka for the use 
of the Kassapiya Arhats." We learn from another 
Pabhosa Inscription that Asadhasena belonged to the 
royal family of Adhichhatra, the capital of North Panchala. 
Mr. Jayaswal maintains that Odraka (Udaka) was the 
paramount Suriga sovereign, while the family of 
Asadhasena was either gubernatorial or feudatory to the 
Magadha throne. Marshall (A Guide to Sanchi, p. 11 n.) 
on the other hand identifies the fifth Suiiga with king 
Kasiputra Bhagabhadra mentioned in a Garuda Pillar 
Inscription found in the old city of Vidisa, now Besnagar. 
Mr. Jayaswal identifies Bhaga-bhadra with Bhaga Sin 
i.e., Bhagavata of the Puranas. This theory has to be 
given up in view of the discovery of another Besnagar 
Garuda Pillar Inscription (of the twelth year after the 


installation of Maharaja Bhagavata) which proves that 
there was at Vidis'ii a king named Bhagavata apart from 
king Kasiputra Bhagabhadra. In the absence of clear 
evidence connecting Udaka with Vidis'a it cannot be 
confidently asserted that he belonged to the house of 
Agnimitra and Bhagavata. The view of Marshall seems 
to be more probable. 

It appears that the successors of Agnimitra at Vidisa 
cultivated friendly relations with the Greek sovereigns of 
the Paiijab. The policy of the Bactrian Greeks in this 
respect resembled that of their Seleukidan predecessors. 
Seleukos, we know, first tried to conquer the Magadha 
Empire, but being frustrated in his attempts thought it 
prudent to make fiiends with the Mauryas. The 
Bactrians, too, after the reverses they sustained at the 
hands of Pushyamitra's general, apparently gave up, for a 
time at least, their hostile attitude towards the &uiigas. 
We learn from the Besnagar Inscription of the reign of 
Bhagabhadra that Heliodora, the son of Diya (Dion) a 
native of Taxila came as an Ambassador from Maharaja 
Arhtalikita (Antialkidas) to Rajan Kasiputra Bhagabhadra 
the Saviour (Tratara), who was prospering in the fourteenth 
year of his reign. The ambassador, though a Greek, 
professed the Bhagavata religion and set up a Garudadhvaja 
in honour of Vasudeva, the god of gods. He was 
apparently well-versed in the Mahabharata 1 which he 
might have heard recited in his native citv of Taxila. 

Nothing in particular is known regarding the 
three immediate successors of Bhadraka. The ninth 
king Bhagavata had a long reign which extended over 
32 years. Prof. Bhandarkar identifies him with the 
Maharaja Bhagavata mentioned in one of the Besnagar 

1 Tlio three immortal precepts (dama, chaga, npramadn), mentioned in the 
second part of Heliodora's inscription, occur in the Mahabharata (XI.7.23 : Damns 
tj'"K°' pramadascha te trnyo Brahmano hnyah). Cf. also Gka, XVI. 1.2. 


Inscriptions mentioned above. Bhagavata's successor 
Devabhuti or Devabhumi was a young and dissolute 
prince. The Puranas state that ho was ovei thrown 
after a reign of 10 years by his AmfUya Yasudeva. 
Bana in his Harshacharita says that the over-libidinous 
Sunga was bereft of his life by his Amatya 
Vasudeva with the help of a daughter of Devabhuti's 
slave woman (Dasi) disguised as his queen. Bana's 
statement does not necessarily imply that Devabhuti was 
identical with the murdered Sunga. His statement may 
be construed to mean that Yasudeva entered into a 
conspiracy with the emissaries of Devabhuti to bring 
about the downfall of the reigning Suiiga (Bhagavata), 
and to raise Devabhuti to the throne. But in view of the 
unanimous testimony of the Puranas this interpretation of 
the statement of Bana cannot be upheld. 

The $unga power was not altogether extinguished 
after the tragic end of Devabhuti. It probably survived 
in Central India (of. Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 49) 
till the rise of the Andhrabhrityas or Satavahanas who 
" swept away the remains of the Sunga power " and 
probably appointed $isunandi (ibid, p. 49) to govern the 
Vidisa region, Sisunandi's younger brother had a grand- 
son (dauhitra) named Sis'uka who became the ruler of 
Purika. Curiously enough Sis'uka is also the Puranic 
name of the first king of the Andhrabhrilya dynasty. It 
is not improbable that the two $isukas were identical, and 
that after overthrowing the Sungas, Sis'uka (Simuka 
of the Inscriptions) annexed Purika but placed Yidisa" 
under his maternal relations. 


1. The Kanvas and the Later Sungas. 

Vasudeva at whose instance the " overlibidinous 
Suriga" was "reft of his life" founded about 73 B.C. a 
new line of kings known as the Kanva or Kanvayana 
dynasty. The Puranas give the following account of this 
family. " He (Vasudeva), the Kanvayana, will be king 
9 years. His son Bhumiraitra will reign 14 years. His 
son Narayana will reign 12 years. His son Susarman will 
reign 10 years. These are remembered as the Surigabhritya 
Kanvayana kings. These four Kanva Brahmanas will 
enjoy the earth. They will be righteous. In succession 
to them the earth will pass to the Andhras. " Bhumimitra 
seems to be identical with the king of that name known 
from coins. 

The chronology of the Kanva dynasty is a matter of 
controversy. In his Early History of the Deccan, Sir R. 
G. Bhandarkar observes " the founder of the 
Andhrabhrityas is said to have uprooted not only the 
Kanvas, but 'whatever was left of the power of the 
Sungas'. And the Kanvas are pointedly spoken of as 
Sungabhrityas or servants of the Sungas. It therefore 
appears likely that when the princes of the Sunga family 
became weak, the Kanvas usurped the whole power and 
ruled like the Peshwas in modern times, not uprooting 
the dynasty of their masters but reducing them to the 
character of nominal sovereigns. Thus then these 
dynasties reigned contemporaneously, and hence the 112 
years that tradition assigns to the Sungas include the 45 
assigned to the Kanvas." 


Now, the Puranic evidence only proves that certain 
princes belonging to the Suiiga stock continued to rule 
till the Andhrabhritya conquest and were the con- 
temporaries of the Kanvas. But there is nothing to show 
that these rois faineants of the Sunga stock were identical 
with any of the ten $unga kings mentioned by name in 
the Puranic lists who reigned 112 years. On the contrary 
the distinct testimony of the Puranas that Devabhuti the 
tenth and last Suiiga of the Puranic lists was the person 
slain by Vasudeva the first Kanva, probably shows 
that the rois faineants, who ruled contemporaneously 
with Vasudeva and his successors, were later than 
Devabhuti and were not considered to be important enough 
to be mentioned by name. Consequently the 112 years 
that tradition assigns to the ten ^unga kings from 
Pushyamitra to Devabhuti do not include the 45 assigned 
to the Kanvas. It is therefore not unreasonable to accept 
Dr. Smith's date B. C. 73-28 for the Kanva dynasty. 

I II. The Satavahanas and the Chetas. 

While the Sungas and Kanvas were engaged in their 
petty feuds, new powers were rising in trans- Vindhyan 
India. These were the Satavahana or Andhrabhritya 
kingdom of Dakshinapatha and the Cheta kingdom of 

The founder of the Satavahana or Andhrabhritya 
dynasty was Simuka whose name is misspelt as Sisuka, 
Sindhuka and Sipraka in the Puranas. The Puranas 
state that the Andhra Simuka will assail the Kanvayanas 
and Susarman, and destroy the remains of the Suiigas' power 
and will obtain this earth. If this statement be true then 
it cannot be denied that Simuka nourished in the first 
century B. C. Dr Smith and many other scholars however 
reject the unanimous testimony of the Puranas. They 


attach more importance to a statement found in certain 
Puranas but not in all, that the Andhras ruled for four 
centuries and a half. Accordingly they place Simuka in the 
third century B. C. and say that the dynasty came to an 
end in the third century A. D. 

A discussion of Simuka's date involves the consideration 
of the following questions : — 

1. What is the age of the script of the Nanaghat record 
of Nayanika, daughter-in law of Simuka ? 

2. What is the actual date of Kharavela's Hathigumpha 
Inscription which refers to a $atakarni who was apparently 
a successor of Simuka ? 

3. What is the exact number of Andhrabhritya kings 
and what is the duration of their rule ? 

As to the first point we should note that according to 
Prof. Chanda the inscription of Nayanika is later than 
the Besnagar Inscription of Bhagavata the penultimate 
king of the Early &unga dynasty ( MASI. No. 1, pp. 14-15.) 
Consequently Simuka may be placed in the Kanva period 
i. e. in the first century B. C. — a date which accords with 
Puranic evidence. 

As to the second point Mr. R. D. Banerji gives good 
grounds for believing that the expression Ti-vasa-sata 
occurring in the passage "Pamchame cha dani vase Namda- 

raja ti-vasa-sata " of the Hathigumpha Inscription 

means not 103 but 300 ( JBORS. 1917, 495-497.) This is 
also the view of Mr. Jayaswal and Prof. Chanda.* If 

• In his fifth year Kharavela extended an aqueduct that bad not been used for 
tivasamta since Nandarftja. If " tivasasata" is taken to mean 103, Kharavela's 
accession must be placed 103-5 = 98 years after NandarSja. -H is elevation to the 
position of YuvarSja took place 9 years before that i.e. 98-9=»89 years after Nandarftja 
(i.e., not later than 323 B.C. -89 = 234 B.C.) Kharavela's father must have been on 
the throne at that time, and he was preceded by hie father. But we learn 
from Aioka's inscriptions that Kalinga was actually governed at that time by 
a Maurya Kumam under the suzerainty of Asoka himself. Therefore tivasasata should 
be taken to mean 300 and not 103. 


Tivasa-sata means 300 Kharavela and his contemporary 
6atakarni must have flourished 300 years after Nandar&ja, 
i.e. in or about 23 B. C. This agrees with the Puranic 
evidence which makes Satakarni's father a contemporary 
of the last Kanva king Sus'arman (38-2S B. C.) 

We now come to the third point viz. the determination 
of the exact number of Satavahana kings, and the duration 
of their rule. 

Regarding each of these matters we have got two 
different traditions. As to the first the Matsya Purana 
says :— 

" Ek6navimsatirhyete Andhra bhokshyanti vai mahim," 
but it gives thirty names. 

The Vayu Purana with the exception of the 'M' 
manuscript says — 

" Ityete vai nripas trirhs'ad Andhra bhokshyanti ye 
mahim," but most of the Vayu manuscripts name only 
seventeen, eighteen, or nineteen kings. 

As to the duration of the Andhra rule several Matsya 
manuscripts say — 

Tesham varsha s'atani syus' chatvarishashtir eva cha. 

Another Matsya manuscript puts it slightly differently. 

Dvadasadhikam etesham rajyam satachatushtayam. 

While a Vayu passage gives altogether a different 
tradition : 

Andhra bhokshyanti vasudham sate dve cha satam 
cha vai. 

Obviously according to one tradition there were about 
nineteen kings who probably ruled for 300 years as the 
Vayu says, while according to another tradition there 
were thirty kings the lengths of whose reigns covered 
a period of more than 400 years. In the opinion of 
Sir R. G. Bhandarkar the longer list includes the 
names of princes belonging to all the branches of 


the Andhrabhritya dynasty, and that the longer period 
represents the total duration of the reigns of all the 
princes belonging to the several branches. The period 
of 300 years, and the seventeen, eighteen or nineteen 
names given in the Vayu Purana, and hinted at in the 
Matsya, refer to the main branch. That there was at 
least one line of Satakarnis distinct from the main branch 
is admitted by all. Inscriptions in Aparanta, in Kanara 
and in the north of Mysore testify to the existence of a 
family of Satakarnis who ruled over Kuntala (the Kanarese 
districts) before the Kadambas. The Matsya list includes 
at least two kings of this line named Skandasvati and 
Kuntala Satakarni, but the Vayu list does not. Skanda- 
niigSL-Sataka actually appears as the name of a prince of 
the Kanarese line of Satakarnis in a Kanheri inscription. 
(Rapson, Andhra Coins, liii.) As to Kuntala Satakarni, 
the commentary on Vatsyayana's Kamasutra takes the 
word Kuntala in the name Kuntala Satakarni Satavahana 
to mean " Kuntalavishaye jatatvat tatsamakhyah." It is 
therefore fair to conclude that the Matsva Purana which 
mentions 30 Satavahana kings includes not only the main 
branch but also the Kuntala line. On the other hand 
the Vayu Purana omits the Satakarnis of Kuntala and 
mentions only about 19 kings who presumably belonged 
to the main line and ruled for 300 years. If the main 
line of Satavahana kings consisted only of about nineteen 
princes, and if the duration of their rule be three centuries, 
there is no difficulty in accepting the Puranic statement 
that Simuka flourished in the first century B.C. and that 
his dynasty came to an end in the third century A.D. 
The Kuntala line lasted longer and did not come to an 
end before the fourth or fifth century A.D., when it was 
supplanted by the Kadambas. Thus the total duration of 
the rule of both the branches of Satakarnis is really more 
than 100 years. The kings of the Kuntala line are 


no doubt placed before Gautamiputra and his successors. 
But we have other instances of the inversion of the order 
of kings in the Puranas (see pp. 52, 58 ante). 

Regarding the original home of the Satavahana 
family there is also a good deal of controversy. Some 
scholars think that the Satavahanas were not Andhras 
but merely Andhrabhrityas of Kanarese origin. 
In the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XIV (1917) Dr. 
Sukthankar edited an Inscription of Siri-Pulumavi " king 
of the Satavahanas " which mentions a place called 
Satavahani-hara. The place occurs also in the Hira- 
Hadagalli copper-plate inscription of the Pallava king 
Sivaskandavarman in the slightly altered form of 
Satahani-rattha. Dr. Sukthankar suggests that the terri- 
torial division Satavahani-Satahani must have comprised 
a good portion of the modern Bellary district, and that 
it was the original home of the Satavahana family. 
Other indications point to the territory immediately 
south of the Madhyades'a as the original home of the 
Satavahana-Satakarnis. The Vinaya Texts (S.B.E., XVII, 
38) mention a town called " Setakannika " which lay on 
the southern frontier of the Majjhimades'a. It is signi- 
ficant that the earliest records of the Satakarnis are found 
in the Northern Deccan and Central India. The name 
Andhra probably came to be applied to the kings in 
later times when they lost their northern and western 
possessions and became a purely Andhra power governing 
the territory at the mouth of the river Krishna. 

There is reason to believe that the Andhrabhritya or 
Satavahana kings were Brahmanas with a little admixture 
of Naga blood. The Dvatrimsatputtalika represents 
Siilivahana as of mixed Brahmana and Naga origin. The 
Naga connection is suggested by names like Skandanaga- 
Sataka, while the claim to the rank of Brahmana is 
actually put forward in an inscription. In the Nasik 


prasasti of Gautamiputra Satakarni the king is called "Eka 
Bamhana," i.e., the unique Brahmana. Some scholars, 
however, are inclined to take Bamhana to mean merely a 
Brahmanical Hindu, but this interpretation cannot be 
accepted in view of the fact that Gautamiputra is also 
called " Khatiya-dapa-mana-madana," i.e., the destroyer of 
the pride and conceit of the Kshatriyas. The expression 
" Ekabamhana " when read along with the passage 
11 Khatiya-dapa-mana-madana " leaves no room for doubt 
that Gautamiputra of the Satavahana family claimed to 
be a Brahmana like Parasurama. As a matter of fact in 
the prasasti the king is described as " the unique Brah- 
mana in prowess equal to Rama." 

According to the Puranas Simuka gave the final coup 
de grace to the Sunga-Kanva power. He was succeeded 
by his brother Krishna. This king has been identified 
with Kanha " Raja of the Sadavahanakula " mentioned 
in a Nasik inscription. The inscription tells us that a 
certain cave was caused to be made by an inhabitant of 
Nasik in the time of King Kanha. 

Kanha-Krishna was succeeded according to the Puranas 
by Satakarni. This ^atakarni has been inentified with 

(1) King $atakarni Dakshinapatha-pati, son of Simuka 
Satavahana mentioned in the Nanaghat Inscription of 

(2) Satakarni lord of the west who was defied by 
Kharavela, king of Kalinga. 

(3) Rajan &ri Satakarni of a Saiichi Inscription and 

(4) The elder Saraganus mentioned in the Periplus. 
The first identification is accepted by all scholars. 

The second identification is also probable because the 
Puranas place Satakarni the successor of Krishna, after 
the Kanvas, i.e., in the first century B.C., while the 
Hathigumpha Inscription places Kharavela 300 years 
after Nanda-raja, i.e., in the first century B.C. 


Marshall objects to the third identification on the 
ground that Sri $atakarni who is mentioned in the 
Nanaghat and Hathigumpha Inscriptions reigned in the 
middle of the second century B.C. ; his dominions there- 
fore could not have included Eastern Malwa (the Sliichi 
region) which in the second century B.C., was ruled by 
the &ungas and not by the Andhras (A Guide to Saiicbi 
p. 13). But we have seen that the date of the Hathi- 
gumpha Inscription is the first century B.C. (300 years 
after Nanda-raja). Moreover the Puranas place the 
kings mentioned in the Nanaghat Inscription not earlier 
than the Kanvas, i.e., the first century B.C. The identi- 
fication of the successor of Krishna of the Satavahana 
family with $atakarni of the Sanchi Inscription, therefore, 
does not conflict with what is known of the history of 
Eastern Malwa in the second century B.C. Lastly, it 
would be natural for the first Satakarni to be styled simply 
Satakarnior the elder $atakarni (Saraganus, from a Prakrit 
form like Sadaganna) while it would be equally natural for 
the later Satakarnis to be distinguished from him by the 
addition of a geographical designation like Kuntala, or a 
metronymic like Gautamiputra or Vasishthiputra. 

We learn from the Nanaghat Inscription that &ata- 
karni, son of Simuka, was the sovereign of the whole of 
Dakshinapatha. He conquered Eastern Malwa and 
performed the Asvamedha sacrifice. The conquest of 
Eastern Malwa is proved by the Sanchi Inscription which 
records the gift of a certain Anariula, the son of Vasithi, 
the foreman of the artisans of llajan Siri-Satakani. 
Sitikarni seems to have been the first prince to raise the 
Satavahanas to the position of paramount sovereigns of 
Trans-Vindhyan India. Thus arose the first great 
empire in the Godavari valley which rivalled in extent 
and power the Suiiga empire in the Ganges valley and 
the Greek empire in the Laud of the Five Rivers. 


After the death of &itakarni his wife Nayanika or 
Naganikil (laughter of the Maharathi Tranakayiro Kala- 
laya, the scion of the Angiya family, was proclaimed 
regent during the minority of the princes Vedisri and 
Sakti-Sr! (Sati-Srimat) or Haku-^ri. 

The Satavahanas were not the only enemies of 
Magadha in the first century B.C. We learn from the 
Hathigumpha Inscription that when $atakarni was ruling 
in the west, Kharavela of Kalinga carried his arms to 
Northern India and humbled the king of Rajagriha. 

Kharavela belonged to the Cheta dynasty. Prof. 
Chanda points out that Cheta princes are mentioned in the 
Vessantara Jataka (No. 54/7). The Milindapanho contains 
a statement which seems to indicate that the Chetas were 
connected with the Chetis or Chedis. The particulars given 
in that work regarding the Cheta king Sura Parichara 
agree with what we know about the Chedi king Uparichara 
(Rhys Davids, Milinda, p 287 ; Mbh. I. 63. 14). 

Very little is known regarding the history of Kalinga 
from the death of Asoka to the rise of the Cheta dynasty 
in the first century B.C., (three hundred years after the 
Nandas). The names of the first two kings of the Cheta 
line are not given in ttye Hathigumpha inscription. Liiders 
Ins. No. 1347 mentions a king named Vakradeva. But we 
do not know whether he was a predecessor or successor of 
Kharavela. During the rule of the second king, who must 
have reigned for at least 9 years, Kharavela occupied the 
position of Yuvaraja. When he had completed his 24th 
year, he was anointed Maharaja of Kalinga. 1 In the first 
year of his reign he repaired the gates and ramparts of 
his capital, Kaliriganagara. In the next year, without 
taking head of Satakarni, he sent a large army to the west 
and took the city of Masika (?) with the help of the 

1 >hara "la's chief queen was the daughter of ■ prince named Lalaka t hi- treat 
-..unison of Ilathisimha. 


Kusambas. He followed up his success by further 
operations in the west and, in his fourth year, compelled 
the Rathikas and Bhojakas to do him homage. In the 
fifth year he had an aqueduct that had not been 
used for 300 years since Nandaraja conducted into his 

Emboldened by his successes in the Deccan the 
Kalinga king turned his attention to the North. In the 
eighth year he harassed the king of Rajagriha so that he 
fled to Mathura. If Mr. Jayaswal is right in identifying 
this king with Brihaspatimitra, then king Brihaspati must 
have ruled over Magadha after the Kanva dynasty. 
Udaka of the Pabhosa Inscription who came later than 
Brihaspatimitra cannot, in that case, be identified with 
the fifth $unga king who must be identified with 

The attack on Nothern India was repeated in the tenth 
and twelth years. In the tenth year the Kalinga king 
organised a grand expedition against Bharatavarsha, 
perhaps identical with the valley of the Jumna, the scene 
of the exploits of Bharata Dauhsanti and his descendants, 
where the king of Rajagriha had fled for shelter. He 
could not achieve any great success in that region. 
He simply claims to have harassed the kings of 
Uttarapatha and watered his elephants in the Gaiiga. 
But in Magadha he was more successful ; the repeated 
blows certainly " struck terror into the Magadhas, " and 
compelled the Magadha king (Brihaspatimitra ?) to bow 
at his feet. Having subjugated Magadha, the invader 
once more turned his attention to southern India and 
made his power felt even by the King of the Pandya 
country. In the thirteenth year Khiiravela erected pillars 
on the Kumari Hill in the vicinity of the dwelling of the 


III. The End of Greek Rule in North-West India. 

While the Magadhan monarchy was falling before the 
onslaughts of the Satavahanas and the Chetas, the Greek 
power in the North-West was aiso hastening towards 
dissolution. We have already referred to the feuds of 
Demetrios and Eukratides. The dissensions of these two 
princes led to a double succession, one derived from 
Demetrios holding Sakala (Sialkot) with a considerable 
portion of the Indian interior, the other derived from 
Eukratides holding Takshasila, the Kabul valley and 
Bactria. According to Gardner and Rapson, Apollodotos, 
Pantaleon, Agathokles, Agathokleia, the Stratos and 
Menander belonged to the house of Euthydemos and 
Demetrios. Most of these sovereigns used the same 
coin-types, specially the figure of the goddess Athene 
hurling the thunderbolt, which is characteristic of the 
Euthydemian line. Pantaleon and Agathocles strike coins 
with almost identical types. 1 They both adopt the metal 
nickel for their coins, and they alone use in their legends 
the Brahmi alphabet. They seem, therefore, to have been 
closely connected probably as brothers. It is not 
improbable that Agathokleia was their sister. Agathokles 
issued a series of coins in commemoration of Alexander, 
Antiochos Nikator (Antiochos III Megas according to 
Malala), Diodotos, and Euthydemos. 

Apollodotos, the Stratos and Menandar use the Athene 
type of coins. Apollodotos and Menander are mentioned 
together in literature. The author of the Periplus of the 
Erythraean Sea says that " to the present day ancient 
drachmae are current in Barygaza bearing inscriptions in 
Greek letters, and the devices of those who reigned after 
Alexander, Apollodotos and Menander." Again, in the 

1 Dancing girl in oriental costuur.0 according to Whitehead ; May*, mother of 
the Buddha, in the nativity scene according to Foucher (JRAS., 1919, p. 90). 


title of the lost forty-first book of Justin's work, Menander 
and Apollodotos are mentioned as Indian kings (Rhys 
Davids, Milinda, p. xix). It appears from the Milindapafihq 
that the capital of the dynasty to which Menander 
belonged was Sakala or Sagala. 1 We learn from Ptolemy 
the geographer that the city had another name Euthymedia 
(Euthydemia ?) a designation which was probably derived 
from the Euthydemian line. 

To the family of Eukratides belonged Heliokles and 
probably Lysias and Antialkidas who ruled conjointly. A 
common type of Antialkidas is the Pilei of the Dioscuri, 
which seems to connect him with Eukratides ; his portrait 
according to Gardner resembles that of Heliokles. It is 
not improbable that he was an immediate successor of 
Heliokles. (Gardner, Catalogue of Indian Coins in the 
British Museum, p. xxxiv). A Besnagar Inscription makes 
him a contemporary of Kasiputra Bhagabhadra of Vidisa 
who probably ruled in the third quarter of the second 
century B.C. (sometime after Agnimitra). The capital of 
Antialkidas was probably at Takshas'ila or Taxila, the 
place whence his ambassador Heliodoros went to the 
kingdom of Bhagabhadra. 

The Greek power must have been greatly weakened 
by the feuds of the rival lines of Demetrios and 
Eukratides. The evils of internal dissension were 
aggravated by foreign inroads. We learn from Strabo 
(H. & EVs Ed. vol. II, pp. 251-253) that the Parthians 
deprived Eukratides by force of arms of a part of 
Bactriana, which embraced the satrapies of Aspionus and 
Turiva. There is reason to believe that the Parthian 
king Mitht idates I penetrated even into India. Orosius, 
a Roman historian who flourished about 4.00 A.D. makes 

1 " Atthi Yonakanatu nanaputabhedanam Sagalauuama uagarain. " " Jambudlpe 
Sagala nagarc Miliudo n*ma IMjii ahosi." " Atthi kho N*gasenri Sugnlara nil no a 
nagarni, t:»ttha Milindo irlma Kiji mjpin Kiroti. " 


a definite statement to the effect that Mithridates or 
Mithradates subdued the natives between the Hydaspes 
and the Indus. His conquest thus drove a wedge bet- 
ween the kingdom of Eukratides and that of his rival of the 
house of Euthydemos. 

The causes of the final downfall of the Bactrian Greeks 
are thus stated by Justin : " the Bactrians harassed by 
various wars lost not only their dominions but their liberty ; 
for having suffered from contentions with the Sogdians, 
the Drangians and the Indians they were at last overcome 
as if exhausted by the weaker Parthians." 

The Sogdians were the people of the region now 
known as Samarkand and Bukhara. They were separated 
from Bactriana by the Oxus. By the term Sogdian Justin 
probably refers not only to the Sogdiani proper but also to 
the well-known tribes who, according to Strabo (H. and 
P's Ed. vol. II pp. 245-246) deprived the Greeks of 
Bactriana, viz., the Asii, Pasiani, Tochari, Sacarauli and the 
Sacae or Sakas. The story of the $aka occupation of the 
Indo-Greek possessions will be told in the next chapter. 
The Latin historian Pompeius Trogus describes how 
Diodotos had to fight Scythian tribes, the Sarancae and 
Asiani, who finally conquered Sogdiana and Bactria. 
The occupation of Sogdiana probably entitled them to the 
designation Sogdian used by Justin. Sten Konow 
(Modern Review, 1921, April, p. 464) suggests the identi- 
fication of the Tochari of the Classical writers with the Ta- 
hia of the Chinese historians. He further identifies the 
Asii, Asioi or Asiani with the Yue-chi. We are inclined 
to identify the Tochari with the Tukharas who formed 
an important element of the Bactrian population in the 
time of Ptolemy and are described by that author as a 
great people (Ind. Ant., 1884, pp. 395-396,) They are 
apparently " the warlike nation of the Bactriana " of the 
time of the Periplus. 


The Drangians referred to by Justin inhabited the 
country between Areia, Gedrosia and Arachosia, including 
the province now called Sistan ( Sakasthana). Numismatic 
evidence indicates that a Drangian family, viz., the dynasty 
of Vonones supplanted Greek rule in a considerable part 
of Afghanistan specially in Arachosia. Vonones is a 
Parthian name. Hence some scholars call his dynasty a 
Parthian family. But names are not sure proofs of 
nationality. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar calls the dynasty Saka.' 
The beat name for the family would be Drangian, 
because their home territory was Drangiana. On coins 
Vonones is associated with two princes, viz : 

i. Spalahora who is called Maharajabhrata. 

ii. Spalagadama, son of Spalahora. 

There is one coin which Thomas and Cunningham 
attributed to Vonones and Azes I. But the coin really 
belongs to Maues (Whitehead, Catalogue of Coius in the 
Panjab Museum, p. 93.) There is a silver coin of a prince 
named Spalirises which bears on the obverse the legend 
Basileus Adelphoy Spalirisoy, and on the reverse " Maha- 
raja Bhraha Dhramiasa Spalarishisa, " i. e. } Spalirises the 
Just, brother of the king. This king has been identified 
with Vonones. Vonones thus was a supreme ruler, and 
he appointed his brothers Spalirises and Spalahora viceroys 
to govern the provinces conquered by him, and after the 
death of the latter, conferred the viceroyalty on his nephew 
Spalagadama. Vonones was succeeded as supreme ruler 
by his brother Spalirises. The coins of Spalirises present 
two varieties, viz : 

1. Coins which bear his name alone in both the legends ; 

2. Coins on which his name occurs on the obverse in 
the Greek legend, and those of Azes on the reverse in the 
Kharoshthl legend. The second variety proves that 

1 Isidore of Charax (JRAS. 1915, p. 831) refers to Sigftl in Saeastene as the resi- 
dence of a Saka king 


Spalirises had a colleague named Azes who governed a 
territory where the prevailing script was Kharoshthl. This 
Azes has been identified with king Azes of the Panjab 
about whom we shall speak in the next chapter. 

As regards the Indian enemies of the Bactrian Greeks 
we need only refer to the Sungas who are represented in 
Kaiidasa's Malavikagnimitram as coming into conflict 
with the Yavanas. In the Nasik pras'asti of Gautamlputra 
&1takarni the king is said to have defeated the Yavanas. 

The final destruction of Greek rule was, as Justin says, 
the work of the Parthians. Marshall tells us ( A Guide to 
Taxila p. 14 ) that the last surviving Greek principality, 
that of Hermaios in the Kabul valley, was overthrown by 
the Parthian king Gondophernes. The Chinese historian 
Pan-yealso refers to the Parthian occupation of Kabul (Jour- 
nal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta University, vol. 
I p. 81) : "Whenever any of the three kingdoms of Tien Tch- 
ou, Ki-pinor Ngansi became bowerful, it brought Kabul into 

subjection. When it grew weak it lost Kabul Later, 

Kabul fell under the rule of Parthia." 

1. The &akas. 

In the first century B. C. Greek rule in Gandh&ra 
was supplanted by that of the Sakas. The history of the 
First Han Dynasty states " formerly when the Hiung-nu 
conquered the Ta-Yue-tchi the latter emigrated to the 
west, and subjugated the Ta-hia; whereupon the Sai- 
wang went to the south, and ruled over Kipin " (JRAS., 
1903, p. 22; Modern Review, April, 1921, p. 4G4). Sten 
Konow points out that the Sai-wang are the same people 
which are known in Indian tradition under the designa- 
tion &akamurunda, Murunda being a later form of a Saka 
word which has the same meaning as Chinese wang, 
master, lord. In Indian inscriptions and coins it has 
frequently been translated with the Indian w T ord Svamin. 

The Chinese Emperor Tuenti (B. C. 48-33) refused 
to take any notice of an insult offered to his envoy by 
In-mo-fu, the king of Kipin, and the Emperor Ching-ti 
(B. C. 32-7) declined to acknowledge an embassy sent 
from Kipin (JRAS, 1903, p. 29). 

S. Levi identifies Kipin with Kasmir. But his view 
has been ably controverted by Sten Konow (Ep. Ind., 
XIV, p. 291) who accepts Chavannes' identification with 
Kiipisa (the country drained by the northern tributaries of 
the river Kabul, ibid, p. 290; cf. Watters, Yuan Ohwaog, 
Vol. I, 259-260). Gandhara was the eastern part of Kipin. 
A passage of Hemachandra's Abhidhana-Chintamani 
seems to suggest that the capital of the Sai-wang ;(Saka- 
Murundas) was Lampaka or Laghman (Lampftkftsta 
Murandah Syuh) Sten Konow says that the Sai, 


i.e., the Sakas, passed Hientu, i.e., the gorge west of 
Skardu on their way to Kipin (p. 291). Though the 
Sakas wrested Kipin (Kapisa-Gandhara) from the hands 
of the Greeks they could not permanently subjugate Kabul 
(Journal of the Department of Letters, Vol. I, p. 81), 
where the Greeks maintained a precarious existence. They 
were more successful in India. Inscriptions at Mathura 
and Nasik prove that the &akas extended their sway as far 
as the Jumna in the east and the Godavari in the south. 

No connected or detailed account of the Saka kings 
of Kipin is possible. $akas are mentioned along with the 
Yavanas in the Ramayana (I. 54. 22 ; IV. 43. 12), the 
Mahabharata (II. 32. 17), the Manusamhita (X. 44), 
and the Mahabhashya (Ind. Ant. 1875, 244). The Hari- 
vams'a (Chap. 14.16) informs us that they shaved one half 
of their heads, and the Jaina work Kalakacharyaka- 
thanaka states that their Kings were called Sahi. (Z. D. 
M. G., 34, p. 262). 

The &akas are also mentioned in the Prasastis of 
Gautamiputra Satakarni and Samudra Gupta. Their 
empire " ^akasthana " is probably mentioned in the 
Mathura Lion Capital Inscription. The passage contain- 
ing the word Sakasthana runs thus : — 

Sarvasa Sakastanasa puyae 

Cunningham interpreted the passage as meaning " for 
the merit of the people of Sakastan." Dr. Fleet however 
maintained that " there are no real grounds for thinking 
that the Sakas ever figured as invaders of any part of 
northern India above Kathiawad and the western and 
southern parts of the territory now known as Malwa." 
He took Sarva to be a proper name and translated the 
inscriptional passage referred to above as " a gift of Sarva 
in honour of his home." 

Fleet's objection is ineffective. Chinese evidence 
clearly establishes the presence of Sakas in Kipin, />., 


Kapis : a-Gandhara. As regards the presence of the tribe 
at Math ura, the site of the inscription, we should note 
that the Markandeya Parana (Chapter 5S) refers to a 
Saka settlement in the Madhyades'a. Dr. Thomas (Ep. 
Ind., IX, pp. 138 ff.) points out that the epigraphs on the 
Lion Capital exhibit a mixture of Saka and Persian 
nomenclature. The name Mevaki, for instance, which 
occurs in the inscriptions is a variant of the Scythian 
name Mauakes (cf. Maues, Moga, and Mavaces the com- 
mander of the Sakas who went to the aid of Darius 
Codomannus, Chinnock, Arrian, p. 142). The termination 
" us " in Komusa and Samuso seems to be Scythic. Dr. 
Thomas further points out that there is no difficulty in 
the expression of honour to the "whole realm of the 
Sakas " since we find in the Wardak, Sue Vihar and other 
inscriptions even more comprehensive expressions, r.r/., 
Sarva sattvanam — of all living creatures. As regards 
Fleet's renderings " svaka " and " sakatthana " one's own 
place, Dr. Thomas says that it does not seem natural to 
inscribe on the stone honour to somebody's own 
home. A puja addressed to a country is unusual, but 
inscription G of the Lion Capital contains a similar 
puja addressed to the chief representatives of the 
Saka dominion. 

Sakasthana, doubtless, included the district of Scythia 
mentioned in the Periplus, " from which flows down the 
river Sinthus, the greatest of all the rivers that flow into 
the Erythraean Sea." The metropolis of " Scythia " in 
the time of the Periplus was Minnagara ; and its market- 
town was Barbaricum on the seashore. 

Princes bearing Saka names are mentioned in several 
inscriptions discovered in Taxila, Mathura and western 
India. According to Dr. Thomas " whatever Saka dynas- 
ties may have existed in the Pan jab or India reached 
India neither through Afghanistan nor through Kas'mir 


but, as Cunningham contended, by way of Sind and the 
valley of the Indus" (JRAS, 1906, p. 216). This theory 
cannot be accepted in its entirety in view of the Chinese 
account of the Saka occupation of Kipin, and the fact 
that some of the Saka names hitherto discovered are 
those of the Northern Sakas who lived near the Sogdianoi 
(Ind. Ant., 1881, pp. 399-100), c.g. t the names — Maues, 
Moga (Taxila plate) and Mevaki (Mathura Lion Capital) 
are variants of the Saka name Mauakes. "We learn from 
Arrian that a chief named Mauakes or Mavaces led the 
Sacians, a Scythian tribe belonging to the Scythians who 
dwelt in Asia, who 'lived outside the jurisdiction of the 
Persian governor of the Bactrians and the Sogdianians, 
but were in alliance with the Persian king. Kshaharata 
or Khaharata, the family designation of a Satrapal house 
of Western and Southern India, is perhaps equivalent to 
Karatai the name of a Saka tribe of the North (Ind. Ant., 
1884, p. 400). 

The conquest of the Lower Indus valley and part 
of western India may, however, have been effected 
by the Sakas of western Sakasthana (Sistan) who are. 
mentioned by Isidore of Charax. The name of the 
capitals of " Scythia " (i.e., Lower Indus valley) 
and of the Kingdom of Mambarus (Nambanus?) in 
the time of the Periplus was Minnagara, and this was 
evidently derived from the city of Min in Sakasthana 
mentioned by Isidore (JRAS, 1915, p. 830). Rapson 
points out that one of the most characteristic features in 
the names of the western Kshatrapas of Chashtana's line, 
viz." Daman " is found also in the name of a prince of 
the Drangianian house of Vonones. Lastly, the Kardamaka 
family from which the daughter of the Mahakshatrapa 
Rudra claimed descent, apparently derived its name from 
the Kardama river in Persia (Shamsastry's trans, of 
Arthasastra, p. 861). 


The earliest Saka king mentioned in Indian inscriptions 
and coins is, perhaps, Maues (identified with Moga of the 
Taxila plate). He was a paramount sovereign (Maha- 
raya). His dominions included Taxila which was ruled 
by a Satrapal family. 

The dates assigned to Maues by various scholars range 
from B. C. 135 to A. D. 154. His coins are found ordi- 
narily in the Pan jab, and chiefly in the western portion 
of the province of which Taxila was the ancient capital. 
There can thus be no doubt that Maues was the king of 
Gandhara. Now it is impossible to find for Maues a 
place in the history of the Fan jab before the Greek king 
Antialkidas who was reigning at Taxila when king 
Bhagabhadra was on the throne of Vidisa for fourteen 
years. The date of Bhagabhadra is uncertain but he 
must be placed later than Agnimitra Suftga who ruled 
from B. C. 149-141. The fourteenth year of Bhaga- 
bhadra could not have fallen before 127 B. C. Conse- 
quently Antialkidas must have been ruling in the second 
half of the second century B. C, and his reign could not 
have ended before 127 B. C. The &aka occupation of 
Gandhara must therefore be later than 127 B. C. All 
scholars except Fleet identify Maues with Maharaya 
Moga of the Sirsukh or Taxila plate dated in the 
year 78 of an unspecified era. The generally accepted 
view is that the era is of $aka institution. As the era 
is used only in N. India and the border land it is permis- 
sible to conjecture that it marks the completion of the 
$aka occupation of those regions. We have already seen 
that this occupation could not have taken place before 127 
B. C. The era used in the Taxila plate could not 
therefore have originated before 127 B. C. The year 78 
of the era could not have fallen before B. C. 49. Conse- 
quently Maues-Moga cannot be placed before B. C. 49. 
He must be placed even later, because we learn from the 


Chinese records that In-mo-fu was in possession of Kipin 
or Kfipisa-Gandhiira about 48-33 B.C. Maues therefore will 
have to be placed after 33 B. C. He cannot perhaps be 
placed later than the middle of the first century A. D., 
because we learn from Apollonios and the author of the 
Periplus that about that time or a little later both Taxila 
and Minnagara, the metropolis of Scythia or the Saka King- 
dom in the Indus valley, had passed into the hands of the 
Parthians. It seems therefore that Maues ruled after 33 
B. C, but before the closing years of the first century 
A. D. It is not altogether improbable that he flourished 
in the year 22 A. D. —the year 78 of the era commencing 
58 B. C, which afterwards came to be known as the 
Malava-Vikrama era. But the matter must be regarded 
as not finally settled. 

Numismatists say that Maues was succeeded on the 
throne of the Panjab by Azes. The coins of Azes are 
very closely related to the issues of the Vonones family, 
and the assumption has always been made that Azes, the 
king of the Panjab, is identical with Azes, the colleague of 
Spalirises. Some scholars think that Azes was the immediate 
successor, not of Maues, but of Spalirises, and that Maues 
came not only after Azes, better known as Azes I, but also 
after Azes II. But this theory cannot be accepted in view of 
the synchronism of Gondophernes and Azes II proved by 
the fact that Aspavarma served as Strategos under both 
the monarch s (Whitehead, Catalogue of Coins in the Pan- 
jab Museum, p. 150). As Gondophernes ruled in the year 
103 (of. the Takht-i-Bahai Inscription), while Maues-Moga 
ruled in the year 78 (of. the Taxila Plate of Patika), and 
as both these dates are referred by scholars to the same era, 
both Gondophernes and Azes II must be later than 
Maues-Moga. There is no room for Maues-Moga between 
Azes I and Azes II, because we shall see presently that 
the succession from Azes I to Azes II is clearly established 


by numismatic evidence. Maues came either before Azes 
I or after Azes II ; but we have already seen that he could 
not have reigned after Azes II. He must therefore be 
placed before Azes I. He must have been ruling in the 
Paiijab when Vonones was ruling in Sistan. When 
Vonones was succeeded by Spalirises, Maues was succeeded 
by Azes I. We have already seen that Spalirises and Azes 
I issued joint coins. The relationship between the two 
monarchs is not known. They may have been related by 
blood, or they may have been mere allies like Hermaios 
and Kujula Kadphises {of. Whitehead, p. 178, Marshall — 
Taxila, p. 1G). 

King Azes I struck some coins bearing his own name 
in Greek on the obverse, and that of Azilises in Kharoshf.hi 
on the reverse. Then again we have another type of 
coins on which the name in Greek is Azilises, and in 
Kharoshthi is Aya or Azes. Dr. Bhandarkar and Smith 
postulate that these two joint types, when considered to- 
gether, prove that Azilises, before his accession to indepen- 
dent power, was the subordinate colleague of an Azes, and 
that an Azes similarly was subsequently the subordinate 
colleague of Azilises. The two princes named Azes cannot 
be identical, and they must be distinguished as Azes I ami 
Azes IL Whitehead however observes that the silver 
coins of Azilises are better executed and earlier in style 
than those of Azes. The bost didrachms of Azes compare 
unfavourably with the fine silver coins of Azilises with 
Zeus obverse and Dioskouri reverse, and with other rare 
silver types of Azilises. If Azilises preceded Azes, then 
following Dr. Smith we must have Azilises I and Azilises II, 
instead of Azes I and Azes IF. In conclusion Whitehead 
says that the differences in type and style between the 
abundant issues of Azes can be adequately explained by 
reasons of locality alone, operating through a long reign. 
Marshall however says that the stratification of coins at 

THE &YKAS 237 

Taxila clearly proves the correctness of Smith's theory, 
according to which Azes I was succeeded by Azilises, 
and Azilises by Azes II. 1 

Recent discoveries have unearthed the gold coin of a 
king named Athama. Whitehead has no hesitation in 
recognising him as a member of the dynasty of Azes and 
Azilises. His date ts however uncertain. 

Unlike the Indo-Greek princes, the &aka kings style 
themselves on their coins Basileus Basileon, corresponding 
to the Prakrit on the reverse Maharajasa Rajarajasa. They 
also appropriate the epithet Mahatasa, corresponding to the 
Greek Megaloy, which we find on the coins of Greek kings. 
The title Rajaraja — king of kings — was not an empty boast. 
Moga had under him the Viceroys Liaka and Patika of 
Chhahara and Chukhsa near Taxila. Azes had under him 
at least two subordinate rulers, e.g., the Satrap Zeionises 
and the Strategos Aspavarma. The title Satrap or Kshat- 
rapa occurs in the Behistun Inscription in the form 
Kshatrapavan which means protector of the kingdom 
(cf. Goptri). The word " Strategos " means a general. 
It is obvious that the Scythians revived in North-western 
India the system of government by Satraps and military 
governors. Coins and Inscriptions prove the existence 
of several other Satrapal families besides those mentioned 

The North Indian Kshatrapas or Satraps may be 
divided into three main groups, viz. : — 

1. The Satraps of Kapis'a, 

2. The Satraps of the Western Panjab, 

3. The Satraps of Mathura. 

Rapson tells us (Ancient India, p. 141) that an 
inscription affords the bare mention of a Satrap of Kapisa. 

1 The coins which Smith assigns to Azes II are found yeiurally nearer the 
surface than those of Azes I (J.K.A.S., 191-4, 979). 


The Panjab Satraps belonged to three families, viz. : — 

(a) The Kusulaa or Kusuluka family. — It consisted 
of Liaka and his son Patika, and governed the territories 
of Chhahara and Chukhsa (Buhler, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 54). 
According to Fleet there were two Patikas ( J HAS, 1907, 
p. 1035). But according to Marshall there was only one 
Viceroy of the name of Patika (JRAS, 1914, pp. 979 ff). 
The Satrapal family of Kusuluka was intimately connected 
with the Satraps of Mathura (of Inscription G on the 
Mathura Lion Capital). The coins of Liaka Kusuluka 
show the transition of the district to which they belonged 
from the rule of the Greek house of Eukratides to the 
Sakas (Rapson's Ancient India, p. 154). We know from 
the Taxila or Sirsukh plate, dated in the year 78, that 
Liaka was a Satrap of the great king Moga. 

(b) Manigul or Managula and his son Zeionises or 
Jihonia. — They were probably Satraps of Taxila during 
the reign of Azes II. 

(c) Indravarma and his son Aspavarma. — The latter 
acted as governor of both Azes II and Gondophernes. 

The Satraps of Mathura. 
The earliest of this line of princes probably were the 
associated rulers Hagana and Hagamasha. They were 
perhaps succeeded by Rafijubula. A genealogical table of 
the house of Rafijubula is given below : 

Rafijubula — Yasi-kamudha 

g 0( ]3 Ba Nadasi-kaoa-Arta 


Rafijubula is known from inscriptions as well as coins. 
An inscription in Brahmi characters at Mora near 
Mathura calls him a Mahakshatrapa. But the Greek- 
legend on some of his coins describes him as "king of 
kings, the Saviour " showing that he probably declared 
his independence. 

THE SaKAS 239 

Ranjubula was probably succeeded by his son $udasa. 
Inscription 13 on tlic Mathura Lion Capital mentions him 
as a Chhatrava (Satrap) and as the son of Mahachhatrava 
Rajdla (ilaiijubula). But later inscriptions at Mathura 
written in Brahml characters call him a Mahfikshatrapa. 
One of these inscriptions gives a date for him in the year 
72 of an unspecified era. It is clear that during his 
father's lifetime he was only a Satrap. But on his 
father's death sometime before the year 72, he became 
a Great Satrap. Sten Konow adduces good grounds for 
believing that Sociasa dated his inscription in the Vikrama 
era (Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV, pp. 139-141). Consequently the 
year 72 corresponds to A.D. 15. 

Dr. Majumdar refers the dates of the Northern satraps 
(of Taxila and Mathura) to the $aka era, and places 
them in the middle of the second century A.D. But 
Ptolemy, who flourished about that time, places neither 
Taxila nor Mathura within Indo-Scythia, i.e., the $aka 
dominion. This shows that neither Taxila nor Mathura 
was a $aka possession in the second century A.D. The 
principal Indo-Scythian possessions in Ptolemy's time were 
Patalene (the Indus Delta) Abiria and Syrastrene (Kathia- 
war) (Ind. Ant., 1884, p. 354). This is exactly w T hat we 
find in the Junagadh inscription of the Saka ruler 
Rudradaman who flourished in the middle of the second 
century A.D. In Ptolemy's time Taxila was included 
within the Arsa (Sans. Urasa) territory (Ind. Ant., 1884 
p. 348) and Mathura belonged to the Kaspeiraioi (Ind. Ant., 
1884, p. 350). Dr. Majumdar suggests that Ptolemy 
probably noticed the Saka empire of Maues and his succes- 
sors (which included Taxila, Mathura and U jjayini) under 
the name of Kaspeiraioi (University of Calcutta Journal of 
the Department of Letters, Vol. I, p. 98 n). But we should 
remember that far from including Taxila, Mathura and 
Western India within one empire, Ptolemy sharply 


distinguishes theK.aspeirc.ioi from Indo-Skythia which was 
the real Saka domain in the middle of the second century 
A.D. (cf. Ptolemy, Ind. Ant., 1881, p. 351, and the Junagadh 
inscription of the &aka ruler Itudradaman). Moreover, the 
territory of the Kaspeiraioi must have included Kasmir (the 
land of Kas'yapa) ; and there is no evidence that the dynasty 
of Maues ever ruled in Kasmir. It was only under the kings 
of Kanishka's dynasty that Kasmir and Mathura formed 
parts of one and the same empire. The Kaspeiraioi of 
Ptolemy evidently referred to the Kushan empire. 

We learn from the Mathura Lion Capital that when 
Sudasa, i.e., $odasa was ruling as a mere Kshatrapa, Padika, 
i.e., Patika was a Mahakshatrapa. As Sodasa was a 
Mahakshatrapa in the year 72, he must have been a 
Kshatrapa before 72. Consequently Padika or Patika 
must have been reigning as a Mahakshatrapa contem- 
porary of the Kshatrapa Sodasa before tfie year 72. The 
Taxila plate of the year 78 however does not style Patika 
even as Kshatrapa. Dr. Fleet thinks that we have to do 
with two different Patikas. But Marshall andSten Konow 
think that Patika, who issued the Taxila plate, is identical 
with the Mahakshatrapa Padika of the Mathura Lion 
Capital, and that the era in which the inscription of 
Sam 72 is dated is not the same as in the Taxila plate of 
Sam 78. In other words while Pleet duplicates kings, 
Marshall and Sten Konow duplicate eras. It is difficult to 
come to any final decision from the scanty data at our 
disposal. "VVe should however remember that there are 
instances among the Western Kshatrapas of Chashtana \s 
line, of Mahakshatrapas being* reduced to the rank of 
Kshatrapas (cf. Majumdar, the Date of Kanishka, Ind. 
Ant., 1917), and of a Kshatrapa (Jayadaman) beinu: men- 
tioned without a title (Andhau Inscriptions). It is therefore 
not altogether improbable that the inscription of Sam 72 and 
that of Sam 78 arc dated in the same era, and that the two 


Patikas are identical. In the Janibigha inscription king 
Lakshmana Sena has no title prefixed to his name. If Sir 
John Marshall is right in reading the name of Aya (Azes) 
in the Taxila Inscription of 130, we have an additional 
instance of a king being mentioned without any title. 

Kharaosta was a grandson (daughter's son) of Ranju- 
bula and was consequently a nephew of Soda?a. The 
inscriptions A and E on the Mathura Lion Capital mention 
him as the Yiivaraya Kharaosta. His coins are of one 
class only, presenting legends in Greek characters 
on the obverse and in Kharoshthi on the reverse. 
The Kharoshthi legend runs thus : " Chhatrapasapra 
Kharaost isa Artasa putrasa." 

The coins of the family of RaSjubula are imitated 
from those of the Stratos and also of a line of Hindu 
princes who ruled at Mathura. This shows that in the 
Jumna valley Scythian rule superseded that of both Greek 
and Hindu princes. 

A fragmentary inscription found by Vogel on the 
site of Ganeshra near Mathura revealed the name of a 
Satrap of the Kshaharata family called Ghataka (J II AS, 
1912, p. 121). 

The Nationality of the Northern Satraps. 

Cunningham held that the inscription P on the 
Mathura Lion Capital — Sarvasa Sakastanasa puyae — gave 
decisive proof that Ranjubula or Raj uvula, Sodasa an I other 
connected Satraps were of $aka nationality. Dr. Thomas 
shows, however, that the Satraps of Northern India were the 
representatives of a mixed Parthian and $aka domination. 
This is strongly supported a priori by the fact that 
Patika of Taxila, who bears himself a Persian name, 
mentions as his overlord the great king Moga whoso 
name is Saka. The inscriptions of the Lion Capital 
exhibit a mixture of Persian and Saka nomenclature. 
(Ep. Ind.,Vol. IX, pp. 138 ff.). 


IF. The Paiilavas or Parthians. 

Already in the time of the Saka Emperors of the 
family of Maues-Moga, princes of mixed &aka-Pahlava 
origin ruled as Satraps in Northern India. Towards 
the middle of the first century A. D., Saka rule in parts 
of Gandhara was probably supplanted by that of the 
Pahlavas or Parthians. In the year 44 A. D., when 
Apollonios of Tyana is reputed to have visited Taxila, 
the throne was occupied by a Parthian named Phraotes 
who was independent of Vardanes, the king of Babylon, 
and himself powerful enough to exercise suzerain power 
over the Satrapy of Gandhara. Christian writers refer to 
a king of India named Gundaphar and his brother Gad 
who were converted by the apostle St. Thomas and who 
therefore lived in the first century A. D. We have no 
independent confirmation of the story of Apollonios. But 
the Takht-i-Bahai record of the year 103 (of an unspeci- 
fied era) shows that there was actually in the Peshwfir 
district a king named Gondophernes. The names of 
Gondophernes and of his brother Gad are also found 
on coins (Whitehead, p. 155). Dr. Fleet referred the date 
of the Takht-i-Bahai inscription to the Malava-Vikrama 
era, and so placed the record in A. D. 47 (JRAS, 1905, 
pp. 223-235; 1906, pp. 706-710; 1907, pp. 169-172; 
1013-1040; 1913, pp. 9991003). He remarked "there 
should be no hesitation about referring the year 103 to 
the established Vikram\ era of B.C. 58; instead of 
having recourse, as in other cases too, to some otherwise 
unknown era beginning at about the same time. This 
places Gondophernes in A. D. 47 which suits exactly 
the Christian tradition which makes him a contemporary 
of St. Thomas the Apostle." 

The power of Gondophernes did not at first extend to 
the Gandhara region which, if Apollonios is to believed, 


was ruled in A. D. 44 by Phraotes. His rule seems 
to have been restricted at first to southern Afghanistan. 
He probably succeeded in annexing the Peshwar district 
after the death of Phraotes (if such a king really existed). 
There is no epigraphic evidence that he conquered Eastern 
Gandhara (Taxila) though he certainly wrested some 
provinces from the Azes family. The story of the superses- 
sion of the rule of Azes II by him in one of the Scythian 
provinces is told by the coins of Aspavarma. The latter at 
first acknowledged the suzerainty of Azes (II) but later 
on obeyed Gondophernes as his overlord. Evidence of 
the ousting of $aka rule by the Parthians in the Lower 
Indus valley is furnished by the author of the Periplus in 
whose time (about 60 or 80 A.D.),Minnagara, the metropolis 
of Scythia, i.e.,the $aka kingdom in the Lower Indus valley, 
was subject to Parthian princes who were constantly driving 
each other out. If Sir John Marshall is right in reading 
the name of Aya or Azes in the Taxila Inscription of 136, 
then it is clear that &aka rule survived in a part of 
Eastern Gandhara, while Peshwar and the Lower Indus 
valley passed into the hands of the Parthians. 

The Greek principality in the upper Kabul valley 
was extinguished about this time. We learn from 
Justin that the Parthians gave the coup tie grace 
to the rule of the Bactrian Greeks. This is quite 
in accordance with the evidence of Archaeology. Marshall 
says that Gondophernes annexed the Kabul valley, 
overthrew the Greek principality in that region, and 
drove out the last prince Hermaios. 

After the death of Gondophernes his empire split 
up into smaller principalities. One of these was ruled 
by Abdagases, another by Orthagnes and Pakores and 
others by princes whose coins Marshall recovered for the 
first time at Taxila. Among them were Sasan, 
Sapedanes and Satavastra. The internecine strife among 


these Parthian princelings is probably alluded to by the 
author of the Periplus in the following passage : — 

" Before it (Barbaricum) there lies a small Island, and 
inland behind it is the metropolis of Scythia, Minnagara ; 
it is subject to Parthian princes who are constantly 
driving each other out." 

Epigraphic evidence proves that the Pahlava or 
Parthian rule in Afghanistan, the Pafijab and Sind was 
supplanted by that of the Gusana or Kusana or Kushan 
dynasty. We know that Gondophernes was ruling in 
Peshwar in the year 103 (A. D. 47 according to Fleet). 
But we learn from the Panj tar inscription that in the year 
122 (A. P. 06 ?) the sovereignty of the region had passed to 
a Gusana or Kushan king. In the year 103 (A.. D. 
79 ? ) the Kushan suzerainty had extended to Taxila. 
An inscription of that year (belonging probably to the 
reign of Azes II who was now a petty chief) mentions 
the interment of some relics of Buddha in a chapel at 
Taxila " for the bestowal of perfect health upon the 
Maharaja, rajatiraja devaputra Khushana." The Sue 
Vihar Inscription proves the Kushan conquest of the 
Lower Indus valley. The Chinese writer Panku who 
died in A.D, 92 refers to the Yueh-chi occupation of 
Kao-fou or Kabul. This shows that the race to which 
the Kushans belonged took possession of Kabul before 
A.D. 92. It is however asserted that Kao-fou is a mistake 
for Tou-mi. But the mistake in Kennedy's opinion would 
not have been possible, had the Yueh-chi not been in 
possession of Kao-fou in the time of Panku. 1 The impor- 
tant thing to remember is that a Chinese writer of 
92 A. D., thought Kao-fou to have been a Yueh-chi 
possession long before his time. If Stcn Konow is to be 
believed the Kushans had established some sort of 
connection with the Indian borderland as early as the 

■ j. k a. s., mi* 


time of Gondophernes. In line 5 of the Takht-i-Bahai 
inscription Sten Konow reads " erjhuna Kapsasa puyae " 
(Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 294) " in honour of prince Kapsa " 
i.e., Kujula Kadphises, the Kushan king who succeeded 
Hermaios in the Kabul valley. Kujula Kadphises has 
been identified with the Kouei-chouang (Kushan) prince 
KiiTi-tsieu-kio who took possession of Kao-fou, Pota and 
Kipin. It appears from coins that this Kushan chief was 
an ally of Hermaios with whom he issued joint coins. 
The destruction of Hermaios' kingdom by the Parthians 
probably supplied him with a casus belli. He made war 
on the latter and destroyed their power in North-West 

III. The Kushans. 

We are informed by the Chinese historians that the 
Kushans were a clau of the Yueh-chi race. The 
modern Chinese pronunciation of the name according to 
Kingsmill is said to be Yue-ti. M. Levi and other French 
scholars write Yue-tchi or Yue-tchi. 

We learn from Ssu-ma-oh'ien who recorded the story 
of the travels of Chang-K'ien, that in or about B. C. 1C5 
the Yueh-chi were dwelling between the Tsenn-hoang 
country and the K'ilien mountains, or T'ien-chan Range 
in Chinese Turkestan. At that date the Yueh-chi were 
defeated and expelled from their country by the Hiung- 
nu who slew their king and made a drinking vessel 
out of his skull. The widow of the slain king succeeded 
to her husband's power. Under her guidance the Yueh- 
chi in the course of their westward migration attacked 
the Wu-sun whose king was killed. After this exploit 
the Yueh-chi attacked the Sakas who fled into Kipin 
(Kapis'a-Lampaka-Gandhara). Meantime the son of the 
slain Wu-sun king grew up to manhood and drove the 
Yueh-chi further west into the Tahia (Dahac?) territory 


washed by the Oxus. The Tahia who were devoted to com- 
merce, unskilled in war and wanting in cohesion were 
easily reduced to a condition of vassalage by the Yueh- 
chi who established their capital or royal encampment 
to the north of the Oxus, in the territory now belonging 
to Bukhara. The Yueh-chi capital was still in the same 
position when visited by Chang-kien in or about 13. C. 
125 (J. B. A. S., 1903, pp. 19-20). 

The adventures of Chaug-Kien as related by Smi- 
ma-ch'ien in the Ssc-ki (completed before B. C. ( .»1) 
were retold in Pan-ku's history of the First Han Dynasty 
(completed by Pan-ku's sister after his death in A. D. 
92), with three important additions, namely: — 

1. That the kingdom of the Ta-yueh-chi has for its 
capital the town of Kienchi (Lan-chau) and Kipin 
lies on its southern frontier. 

2. That the Yueh-chi were no longer nomads. 

3. That the Y r ueh-chi kingdom had become divided 
into five principalities, viz., Hieou-mi, Chouang-mo, Kouei- 
chouang (Kushan), Hi-thum (Bamiyan region) and Kao- 
fou (Kabul). 1 

We next obtain a glimpse of the Yueh-chi in Fanye's 
history of the Later Han Dynasty which covers the period 
between A. D. .25 and 220. Fan-ye based his account 
on the report of Pan-young (cir. A. D. 125) and others. 
He himself died in 115 AD. He gives the following account 
of the Yueh-chi conquest. " In old days the Yueh-chi 
were vanquished by the Hiung-nu. They then went to 
Tahia and divided the kingdom among five Yabgous, ri:., 
those of Ilicou-mi, Chouang-mi, Kouei-chouang, Hitouen 
and Tou-mi. More than hundred years after that, the 
Yabgou of Kouei-chouang (Kushan) named K'ieou-tsieou- 
kio attacked and vanquished the four other Yabgous and 

1 A later historian regards Kaofou &8 a mistake for Ton-mi. 


called himself king; he invaded Ngan-si (Parthia?) and 
took possession of the territory of Kao-fou (Kabul), over- 
came Po-ta 1 and Kipin and became completely master 
of these kingdoms. K'ieou-tsieou-kio died at the age of 
more than eighty. His son Yen-kao-tchen succeeded him 
as king. In his turn he conquered T'ien-tchou (India), 
and established there a chief for governing it. From 
this time the Yueh-chi became extremely powerful. All 
the other countries designate them Kushan after their 
king, but the Han retained the old name, and called 
them Ta- Yueh-chi." 

" K'ieou-tsieou-kio " has been identified with Kujula 
Kadphises, Kozola Kadaphes or Kujula kara Kadphises, 
the first Kushan king who struck coins to the south of the 
Hindukush. Numismatic evidence shows that he was 
the colleague, and afterwards the successor, of Hermaios, 
the last Greek prince of the Kabul valley. The preva- 
lent view that Kadphises conquered Hermaios is, in the 
opinion of Marshall, wrong. Sten Konow finds his name 
mentioned in the Takht-i-Bahai inscription of the year 
103 belonging to the reign of Gondophernes. The in- 
scription probably belongs to a period when the Kushan 
and Parthian sovereigns were on friendly terms. But the 
Parthian attack on the kingdom of Hermaios apparently 
led to a rupture which ended in war. The result was 
that the Parthians were ousted by Kadphises I. 

Marshall identifies Kadphises I with the Kushan king 
of the Panjtar record (of the year 122) and the Taxila 
scroll of the year 136 (JRAS, 1914, pp. 977-7S). The 
monogram on the scroll is characteristic of coins of 
Vima Kadphises (II), but it is also found on coins of his 
predecessor. We should, however, remember that in the 

1 Perhaps identical with the country of Po-lni which in the time of Sungyun 
sent two young lions to the King of GaudhAru as prusuut (Beal, Records cf the 
Western World, Vol. I, ci). 



Taxila inscription of 13C the Kushan king is called T) 
putra, a title which was characteristic of the Kanishka 
group and not of Kadphises I or II. 

Kadphises I coined no gold. His coinage shows 
unmistakable influence of Home. He copied the issues 
of Augustus or those of Tiberius. He used the titles 
Yavuga and Maharaja Rajatiraja. 

" K'ieou-tsieou-kio " or Kadphises was succeeded by 
his son Yen-kao-tchen, the Hima, Vima or Wema 
Kadphises of the coins, who is usually designated as 
Kadphises II. We have already seen that he conquered 
Tien-tchou or the Indian interior and set up a chief 
who governed in the name of the Yueh-chi. According 
to Sten Konow (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 141) and Smith 
(The Oxford History of India, p. 128) Kadphises II 
established the Saka Era of A. D. 78. If this view 
be accepted then he was the overlord of Nahapana, 
and was the Kushan monarch who was defeated by the 
Chinese and compelled to pay tribute to the emperor Hoti 
(A. D. 89-105). But there is no direct evidence that 
Kadphises II established any era. No inscriptions 
or coins of this monarch contain any dates which 
are referable to an era of his institution. On the 
contrary we have evidence that Kanishka did establish 
an era, that is to say, his method of dating was continued 
by his successors and we have dates ranging from 
the year 3 to 99. 

The conquests of the Kadphises Kings opened up the 
path of commerce between the Roman Empire and India. 
Roman gold began to pour into this country in payment 
for silk, spices and gems. Kadphises II began to issue 
gold coins. He had an extensive bilingual gold and cop- 
per coinage. The obverse design gives us a new life-like; 
representation of the monarch. The reverse is confined 
to the worship of Siva. In the Kharoshthi inscription he 


is called " the great king, king of kings, lord of the world, 
the Mahis'vara, the defender." 

We learn from Yu-Houan, the author of the Wei-lio, 
composed between A.D. 230-265 that the Yueh-chi power 
was flourishing in Kipin (Kapisa-Gandhara), Ta-hia (Oxus 
Valley), Kao-fou (Kabul) and Tien-Tchou (India) as late 
as the third centurv A.D. But the Chinese authors are 
silent about the names of the successors of Yen kao-tchen 
(Kadphises II). Inscriptions discovered in India have 
preserved the names with dates of the following great 
Kushan sovereigns besides th.e Kadphises group, viz., 
Kanishka I (3-13), Vasishka (24-28), Huvishka (33-60), 
Kanishka II son of Vajheshka (41), and Vasudeva (74-98). 
Huvishka, Va-jheshka and Kanishka II are probably 
referred to by Kalhana as Hushka, Jushka and Kanishka 
who apparently ruled conjointly. It will be seen that 
Kanishka II ruled in the year 41, a date which falls 
within the reign of Huvishka (33-60). Thus the account 
of Kalhana is confirmed by epigraphic evidence. 

In the chronological order generally accepted by 
numismatists, the Kanishka group succeeded the Kadphises 
group. But this view is not accepted by many scholars. 
Moreover there is little agreement among scholars who 
place the Kanishka group after the Kadphises kings. The 
various theories of Kanishka's date are given below : 

1. According to Dr. Fleet, Kanishka reigned before the 
Kadphises group, and was the founder of that reckoning, 
commencing B. C. 58, which afterwards came to be 
known as the Vikrama Sam vat. His view was accepted by 
Kennedy, but was ably controverted by Dr. Thomas, and 
can no longer be upheld after the discoveries of Marshall 
(Thomas, J.U.A.S., 1913; Marshall, J.R.A.S., 1914). 
Inscriptions, coins as well as the testimony of Hiuen- 
Tsang clearly prove that Kanishka's dominions included 
Gandhara, but we have already seen that according 


to Chinese evidence the Sai-wang, i.e., Saka kings, and not 
the Kushans, ruled Kipin (Kapisa-Gandhara) in the 
second half of the first century B. C. 

2. According to Marshall, Sten Konow, Smith and 
several other scholars Kanishka's rule began about 125 A.D., 
and ended in the second half of the second century A.D. 
Now, we learn from the Sue Vihar inscription that 
Kanishka's dominions included the Lower Indus Valley. 
Again we learn from the Junagadh inscription of Rudra- 
daman, that the Mahakshatrapa's conquests extended 
to Sindhu and Sauvira. Rudradaman certainly lived 
from A.D. 130 to A.D .150. He did not owe his position 
as Mahakshatrapa to anybody else (svayam adhigata 
Mahakshatrapa naraa). If Kanishka flourished in the 
middle of the second century A.D., how are we to reconcile 
his mastery over the Lower Indus Valley with the con- 
temporary sovereignty of Rudradaman ? Again Kanishka's 
dates 3-18, Vashishka's dates 24-28, Huvishka's dates 31-60, 
and Vasudeva's dates 74-98 suggest a continuous reckon- 
ing. In other words, Kanishka was the originator of an 
era. But we know of no era which commenced in the 
second century A.D. 

3. Dr. Majumdar thinks that the era founded by 
Kanishka was the Kalachuri era of 248-49 A.D. Prof. 
Jouveau-Dubreuil points out that this is not possible 
(Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 31). " In fact, the 
reign of Vasudeva, the last of the Kushans, came to an 
end 100 years after the beginning of the reign of 
Kanishka. Numerous inscriptions prove that Vasudeva 
reigned at Mathura. It is certain that this country over 
which extended the empire of Vasudeva was occupied 
about 350 A.D. by the Yaudheyas and the Nagas and 
it is probable that they reigned in this place nearly one 
century before they were subjugated by Samudra Gupta. 
The capitals of the Nagas were Mathura, Kanttpura 


and Padmavatl." The theory of Dr. Majumdar cannot 
moreover he reconciled with the Tibetan tradition 
which makes Kanishka a contemporary of King Vijaya- 
klrti of Khotan (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 112) and the Indian 
tradition which makes Huvishka a contemporary of 
Nagarjuna and hence of a king of the Satavahana line of 
Kosala i.e., the upper Deccan which became extinguished 
in the first half of the third century A. D. The 
arguments against the theory of Dr. Majumdar are 
equally applicable to the theory of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar 
who places Kanishka's accession in A. D. 278. 

4. According to Oldenberg, Thomas, 11. D. Banerji, 
llapson and many other scholars Kanishka was the 
founder of that reckoning commencing A. D. 78 which 
came to be known as the $aka era. This view is not 
accepted by Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuil on the following 
grounds : 

(a) If we admit that Kujula-Kadphises and Hermaios 
reigned about 50 A. D. and that Kanishka founded the 
Saka era in 78 A. D. we have scarcely 28 years for the 
duration of the end of the reigns of Kadphises I and the 
whole of the reign of Kadphises II. 

(But the period of 28 years is not too short in view 
of the fact that Kadphises II succeeded an cctogenarian. 
When Kadphises died "at the age of more than eighty " 
his son must have been an old man. It is therefore 
improbable that "his reign was protracted.") 

(b) Mr. Marshall, says Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuil, has 
discovered at Taxila in the Chir Stupa a document dated 
136, which, in the Vikrama era, corresponds to 79 A.D. 
and the king mentioned therein is probably Kadphises I, 
but certainly not Kanishka. 

(Now, the epithet Devaputra applied to the Kushan 
king of the Taxila scroll of 136, is characteristic of the 
Kanishka group, and not of the Kadphises kings. So the 


discovery, far from shaking the conviction of those thai 
attribute to Kanishka the era of 78 A.D., rather 
strengthens it. Tne omission of the personal name of 
the Kushan monarch does not necessarily imply that the 
first Kushan is meant. In several inscriptions of the 
time of Kumara Gupta and Budha Gupta, the king is 
referred to simply as Gupta nripa). 

(c) Prof. J. Dubreuil says " Mr. Sten Konow has 
shown that the Tibetan and Chinese documents tend to 
prove that Kanishka reigned in the second century." 
(This Kanishka may have been Kanishka of the 
Inscription of the year 41 which, if referred to the Saka 
era, would give a date in the second century A.D. Po-t'iao 
(Vasudeva ? Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 141) may have been one 
of the successors of Vasudeva I ; " coins bearing the name 
of Vasudeva continued to be struck long after he had 
passed away " EHI, p. 272 ; Dr. Smith and Mr. R. D. 
Banerji clearly recognised the existence of more than 
one Vasudeva (ibid, pp. 272-278). 

((f) Mr. Sten Konow has shown that the inscrip- 
tions of the Kanishka era and those of the Saka era are not 
dated in the same fashion. [But the same scholar also 
shows that the inscriptions of the Kanishka era are also 
not dated in the same fashion. In the Kharoshtfit 
inscriptions Kanishka and his successors recorded the 
dates in the same way as their Saka-Pahlava predecessor >. 
giving the name of the month and the day within the 
month. On the other hand in their Brahmi records, 
Kanishka and his successors adopted the ancient Indian 
way of dating (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 141). Are we to con- 
clude from this that the Kharoshthi dates of Kanishka's 
inscriptions, are not to be referred to the same era to 
which the dates of the Brahmi records are to be ascribed ? 
If Kanishka adopted two different ways of dating, we fail 
to understand why he could not have adopted a third 

THE kushAns 

method to suit the local conditions in western India. Sten 
Konovv himself points out that in the Saka dates we have 
the name of the month, as in the Kharoshthi records, 
with the addition of the Paksha. " The Saka era which 
they (the western Kshatrapas) used was a direct imitation 
of the reckoning used by their cousins in the north-west, 
the additional mentioning of the paksha being perhaps a 
concession to the custom in the part of the country where 
they ruled." It is not improbable that just as Kanishka 
io the borderland used the old Saka-Pahlava method, and 
in Hindusthan used the ancient Indian way of dating 
prevalent there, so in western India his officers added the 
paksha to suit the custom in that part of the country]. 

Kanishka completed the Kushan conquest of upper 
India and ruled over a wide realm which extended from 
Gandhara and Kas'mir to Benares. Traditions of his conflict 
with the rulers of Soked (Saketa) and Pataliputra are 
preserved by Tibetan and Chinese writers (Ep. Ind., XIV, 
p. 142 ; Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 382). Epigraphic records give 
contemporary notices of him, with dates, not only from 
Zeda in the Yuzufzai country and from Manikiala near 
Rawalpindi, but also from Sue Vihar (north of Sind), 
from Mathura and Sravasti, and from Sarnath near 
Benares. His coins are found in considerable quantities 
as far eastwards as Gazipur. The eastern portion of his 
empire was apparently governed by the Maha Kshatrapa 
Kharapallana and the Kshatrapa Vanashpara. He 
fixed his own residence at Peshawar (Purushapura) and 
established Kanishkapura in Kas'mir. It is however 
probable that Kanishkapura was established by his 
namesake of the Ara inscription. After making himself 
master of the South (i.e. India) Kanishka turned to the 
west and defeated the King of the Parthians (Ind. Ant., 
1903, p. 382). In his old age he led an army against 
the north and died in an attempt to cross the 


Tsungling mountains between Gandhara and Khotan. 
The Northern expedition is apparently referred to by 
Hiuen Tsang who speaks of Chinese Princes detained as 
hostages at his court. 

Kanishka's fame rests not so much on his conquests, 
as on his patronage of the religion of Sakyamuni. Numis- 
matic evidence shows that he actually became a convert to 
Buddhism. He showed his zeal for his new faith by build- 
ing the celebrated relic tower at Purushapura or Peshawar 
which excited the wonder of the Chinese pilgrims. He 
convoked the last great Buddhist council. But though a 
Buddhist the Kushan monarch continued to honour his old 
Zeroastrian, Greek, Mithraic and Hindu gods. The court 
of Kanishka was adorned by Asvaghosha, Charaka, 
Nagarjuna and other worthies. 

After Kanishka came Vasishka, Huvishka and 
Kanishka of the Ara inscription. We have got two in- 
scriptions of Vasishka dated 24 and 28. He may have been 
identical with Vajheshka the father of Kanishka of the 
Ara inscription, and Jushka of the Rajataraiigini. 

Huvishka's dates range from 33 to 60. Kalhana's 
narrative leaves the impression that he ruled simul- 
taneously with Jushka and Kanishka, i.e., Va-jheshka and 
Kanishka of the Ara inscription of the year 41. The 
Wardak vase inscription proves the inclusion of Kabul 
within his dominions. But there is no evidence that he 
retained his hold on Sind which was probably wrested 
from the successors of Kanishka I by Rudradaman. In 
Kas'mir Huvishka built a town named Hushkapura. like 
Kanishka I he was a patron of Buddhism and built a 
splendid monastery at Mathura. He also resembled 
Kanishka in an eclectic taste for a medley of Greek, 
Persian and Indian deities. 

Smith does not admit that the Kanishka of the Ara 
inscription of the year 41 was different from the great 

Tin-: kushANs 

Kanishka. Liiders and Sten Konow however distinguish 
the two Kanishkas. According to Liiders Kanishka of 
the Ara inscription was a son of Vfisishka and probably a 
grandson of Kanishka I (tip. Ind., XIV, p. 14»8). 
Kanishka II had the titles Maharaja, Rajatiraja, 
Devaputra, and Kaisara. It is possible that he, and not 
Kanishka I, was the founder of the town of Kanishka- 
pura in Kasmlra. 

The last notable kinsr of Kanishka's line was Vasudeva. 
His dates range from the year 7fc to 90, i.e., A.D. 152 to 
177 according to the system of chronology adopted in 
these pages. He does not appear to have been a Buddhist. 
His coins exhibit the figure of $iva attended by Nandi. 
There can be no doubt that he reverted to Saivism, the 
religion professed by his great predecessor Kadphises II. 

The inscriptions of Vasudeva have been found only 
in the Mathura region. From this it is not unreasonable 
to surmise that he lost his hold over the North- Western 
portion of the Kushan dominions. 

In the third century A. D., we hear of the existence 
of not less than four kingdoms all ' dependent on the 
Yueh-chi,' i c, ruled by princes of the Yueh-chi stock. 1 
These were Ta-hia (Oxus region), Ki-pin (Kapis'a), Kao-fou 
(Kabul) and Tien-tchou (India proper). The Yueh-chi 
kingdom of Tien-tchou probably disappeared in the fourth 
century A. D., being conquered by the Nagas. The 
prevalence of Naga rule over a considerable portion of 
northern and central India in the third and fourth centuries 
A.D., is amply attested by epigraphic evidence. A Lahore 
copper seal inscription of the fourth century A. D., refers 
to a king named Mahesvara Naga, the son of Nagabhatta 

' Among the successors of Vasudeva may be mentioned Kanishko (III), Vasu 
(Whitehead, Indo-Greek Coins, pp. 211-212), and Grumbatos (Smith, EHI, p. L'T t), 
The last king of Kanishka's race wns Lagaturman who waa overthrown by his 
BrtUimana minister KnllSr (Albemni, II, 10). 



(CII, p. 283). The Allahabad Pillar Inscription refers to 
King Ganapati Naga, while several Vakataka records men- 
tion Bhava Naga king of the Bharas'ivas whose grand-son's 
grandson Kudrasena II was a contemporary of Chandra 
Gupta II, and who accordingly must have flourished 
long before the rise of the Gupta Empire. We learn from 
the Puranas that the Nagas established themselves at 
Vidis'a, Padmavati, Kantipuri and even Mathura which wis 
the southern capital of Kanishka and his successors (JKA>. 
1905, p. 233). The greatest of the Naga Kings was perhaps 
Chandrams'a ' the second Nakhavant,' who was probably 
identical with the great king Chandra of the Delhi Iron 
Pillar inscription. The Kushans however continued to 
rule in the Kabul valley. One of them was probably the 
Daivaputrasahi sahanusahi who sent valuable presents to 
Samudra Gupta. In the sixth century the Kushans had 
to fight hard against the Huns. Kabul, their capital, was 
finally taken by the Moslems in 870 A. D. After that date 
the royal residence was shifted to Ohind, on the Indus. 
The line of Kauishka was finally extinguished by the 
Brahmana Kallar. 


I. Tub Kshauaratas. 

We have seen that in the first century B. C, the 
Scythians possessed Ki-pin (Kapisa-Gandhara) and after- 
wards extended their sway over a large part of Northern 
India. The principal Scythic dynasties continued to rule 
in the north. But a Satrapal family, the Kshaharatas, 
extended their power to western India and the Deccan, and 
wrested Maharashtra from the Satavahanas. The Satava- 
hana King apparently retired to the southern part of his 
dominions, probably to the Janapada of the Bellary District 
which came to be known as Satavahani-hara, and was at 
one time under the direct administration of a military 
governor (mahasenapati) named Skandanaga (Ep. Ind., 
XIV, 155). The name of the Scythian conquerors of Maha- 
rashtra, Kshaharata, seems to be identical with " Karatai/' 
the designation of a famous Saka tribe mentioned by the 
geographer Ptolemy (Ind. Ant., 1881, p. 400). 

The known members of the Kshaharata, Khaharata, or 
Chaharata, family are Ghataka, Bhumaka and Nahapana. 
Of these Ghataka belonged to the Mathura region. Bhu- 
maka was a Kshatrapa of Kathiawar. Rapson says that 
he preceded Nahapana. His coin types are "arrow, discus 
and thunderbolt." These types may be compared with 
the reverse type " discus, bow and arrow " of certain copper 
coins struck conjointly by Spalirises and Azes I. 

Nahapana was the greatest of the Kshaharata Satrap*. 
Eight Cave Inscriptions discovered at Pandulena, near 
Nasik, J miliar and Karlc (in the Poona District) prove 
the inclusion of a considerable portion of Maharashtra 


within his dominions. Seven of these inscriptions describe 
the benefactions of his son-in-law Ushavadit i, the &ika, 
while the eighth inscription specifies the charitable works 
of Ayama the Amiltya. Ushavadata's inscriptions indicate 
that Nahapana's political influence extended from Poona 
(in Maharashtra) and &Qrparaka (in North Konkon) to 
Mandasor (Das'apura in Malwa) and the district of Ajmir 
including Pushkara, the place of pilgrimage to which 
Ushavadata resorted for consecration after his victory over 
the Malayas or Malavas. 

The Nasik and Karle records give the dates 11. I -J. 15 
of an unspecified era, and call Nahapana a Kshatrapa, while 
the Junnar epigraph of Ayama specifies the date 10 and 
speaks of Nahapana as Mahakshatrapa. The generally 
accepted view is that these dates are to be referred to the 
&ika era of 78 A. D. The name Nahapana is no doubt 
Persian, but the Kshaharata tribe to which Nahapana 
belonged was probably a saka tribe, and Ushavadata, son- 
in-law of Nahapana, distinctly calls himself a SSaka. ]t i» 
therefore probable that the era of 78 A.D., derives its name 
of Saka era from the Saka princes of the House of 
Nahapana. Rapson accepts the view that Nahapana's dates 
are recorded in years of the Sika era, beginning in 78 A.D., 
and therefore assigns Nahapana to the period A. D 119 to 
A. D. 124. Several scholars identify Nahapana with 
Mambarus (Nambanus ?) of the Periplus whose capital was 
Minnagara in Ariake. According to Prof. Bhandarkar 
Minnagara is modern Mandasor, 1 and Ariake is Aparan- 
tika. 2 Mr. R. D. Banerji and Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuil 
are, however, of opinion that Nahapana's dates are 
not referable to the £aka era. They say that if ire 
admit that the inscriptions of Nahapana are dated in the 
Saka era, there will be only an interval of five yean 

1 Sec also Boml>. Qu . I I. Lfi n. 

* Ariake may be Arya*-a of Varahaiiiihiru'a Brihut Sauihiiil. 


between the inscription of this king, dated 16, and the 
inscriptions of Rudradaman, dated 52. Within these years 
must have taken place : 

( ) The end of Nahapana's reign ; 

(2) The destruction of the Kshaharatas ; 

(3) The accession of Chashtana as Kshatrapa, his 

reign as Kshatrapa, his accession as a Maha- 
kshatrapa, and his reign as Mahakshatrapa ; 

(4) The accession of Jayadaman as Kshatrapa, his 

reign as Kshatrapa, and perhaps also his reign 
as Mahakshatrapa ; 

(5) The accession of Rudradaman and the beginning 

of his reign. 

There is no necessity, however, of crowding the events 
mentioned above within five years (between the year 16, the 
last known date of Nahapana, and the year 52, the first 
known date of Rudradaman). There is nothing to show 
that Chashtana's family came to power after the destruc- 
tion of the Kshaharatas. The line of Chashtana may 
have been ruling in Cutch (as the Andhau inscriptions of 
the year 52 suggest) while the Kshaharatas were ruling 
in Malwa and Maharashtra. Moreover there is no good 
ground for believing that a long interval elapsed from 
the accession of Chashtana to that of Rudradaman. 
Professors Bhandarkar and Majumdar have pointed 
out that the Andhau inscriptions clearly prove that 
Chashtana and Rudradaman ruled conjointly in the 
year 52. Prof. J. Dubreuil rejects their view on the ground 
that there is no "cha" after Rudradaman in the text of 
the inscription (Rajna Chashtanasa Ysamotikaputrasa rajna 
Rudradamasa Jayadamaputrasa varshe dvipachase 50, 2). 
Prof. Dubreuil translates the passage thus : 

In the 52nd year, in the reign of Rudradaman, son of 
Jayadaman, grandson of Chashtana and great-grandson of 


The Professor who objects to a clut, himself makes me 
not only of " and " but also of the words " grandson " and 
" great-grandson " no trace of which can be found in the 
original record. Had his translation been what the writer 
of the Andhau inscriptions intended, we should have ex- 
pected to lind the name of Ysamotika first, and then the 
name of Chashtana followed by those of Jayadaman 
and Rudradaman — Ysamotika prapautrasa Chashtana 
pautrasa Jayadamaputrasa Rudradamasa (cf. the Gunda 
and Jasdhan inscription*). Moreover, it is significant that 
in the text of the inscription there is no royal title prefixed 
to the name of Javadfiman who ruled between Chashtana 
and Rudradaman according to Dubreuil. On the other 
hand both Chashtana and Rudradaman are called raja. 
The two are mentioned in exactly the same way — with 
the honorific Raja and the patronymic. The literal transla- 
tion of the inscriptional passage is M in the year 52 of 
king Chashtana son of Ysamotika, of king Rudradaman 
son of Jayadaman," and this certainly indicates that the 
year 52 belonged to the reign both of Chashtana and 
Rudradaman. The conjoint rule of two kings was known 
to ancient Hindu writers on polity (cf. Dvairajya in Kau- 
tilya's Arthas'astra, p. 325). 1 The theory of the conjoint 
rule of Chashtana and his grandson is supported by the 
fact that Jayadaman did not live to be Mahakshatrapa 
and must have predeceased his father Chashtana as, unlike 
Chashtana and Rudradaman, he is called simply a Ksha- 
trapa (not Mahakshatrapa and Bhadramukha) even in the 
inscriptions of his descendants (cf. the Gunda and Jasdhan 
inscriptions). We have already noticed the fact that the 
title raja, which is given to Chashtana and liudradamau 
in the Andhau inscriptions, is not given to Javadfiman. 

1 Of. also tlic chisMi'nl .Hcoui.t of I'iitalon.v p. 134 nnfr; (lie c-nsc of Dlipt.-imslitm 
iind Duryodliaim in tlio (Iront Kpio ; of KukrntiMen and lii.« MB in .Iintin's work : of 
Strnto I nnri Strato II j of Azcii and Aziliaes, etc., etc. 

THE kSllAll AKATA- 2d I 

Mr. R. D. Banerji says that the inscriptions of 
Nahapana cannot be referred to the same era as used on 
the coins and inscriptions of Chashtana's dynasty because 
if we assume that Nahapana was dethroned in 46 8. K. 
Gautamiputra must have held Nasik up to 52 & E. (from 
liis 18th to his 21th year), then Pulumayi held the city 
up to the 22nd year of his reign, i. e., up to at least 7 I 
S. B. But Rudradaman is known to have defeated Pulu- 
mftyi and taken Nasik before that time. Banerji's error 
lies . in the tacit assumption that Rudradaman twice 
occupied Nasik before the year 73 of the Saka era. 
Another untenable assumption of Mr. Banerji is that 
Rudradaman finished his conquests before the year 
52 or A. D. 130, whereas the Andhau inscriptions 
merely imply the possession of Cutch by the House of 

The theory of those who refer Nahapana's dates to the 
Saka era, is confirmed by the fact pointed out by Prof. 
Bhandarkar that a Nasik inscription of Nahapana refers 
to the gold currency of the Kushans Avho could not have 
ruled in India before the first century A. D. 

The power of Nahapana and his allies was threatened by 
the Malayas (Malavas) from the north, and the Siltavahanas 
from the south. The incursion of the Malavas was repelled 
by Ushavadata But the Satavahana attack proved fatal 
to Saka rule in Maharashtra. The Nasik pras'asti calls 
Gautamiputra Satakarni the uprooter of the Kshaharata 
race and the restorer of the Satavahana power. That 
Nahapana himself was overthrown by Gautamiputra is 
proved by the testimony of the Jogaltembhi hoard which 
consisted of Nahapana's own coins and coins restruck by 
Gautamiputra. In the restruck coins there was not a 
single one belonging to any prince other than Nahapana 
as would certainly have been the case if any ruler had 
intervened between Nahapftna and Gautamiputra. 


II. The Restoration or the Satavahana Empike. 

Gautamiputra's victory over the Kshaharatas led to 
the restoration of the Satavahana power in Maharashtra 
and the adjoining provinces. The recovery of Maharash- 
tra is proved by a Niisik inscription dated in the year I s 
and a Karle epigraph addressed to the Amatya in charge 
of Mamala (the district round Karle, modern Maval). But 
this was not the only achievement of Gautamiputra. We 
learn from the Nasik record of queen Gautami that her 
son destroyed the Sakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas, and that 
his dominions extended not only over Asika, Asaka 
(Asmaka on the Godavari, i.e., Maharashtra), 1 and Mulaka 
(the district round Paithan), but also over Suratha 
(Kathiawar), Kukura (in Central India, probably near 
the Pariyatra or the Western Vindhyas ( Brihat Samhita, 
XIV. 4), Aparanta (North Konkon), Anupa (district round 
Mahismati on the Narmada), Yidarbha (Berar), and Akara- 
Avanti (East and West Malwa). He is further styled lord 
of all the mountains from the Vindhyas to the Travancore 
hills. The names of the Andhra country (Andhrapatha) 
and Kosala are however conspicuous by their absence. 
Inscriptions and the testimony of Hiuen Tsang prove that 
both these territories were at one time or other included 
within the Satavahana empire. The earliest Satavahana 
king whose inscriptions have been found in the Andhra 
region is Pulumayi, son of Gautamiputra. 

According to Sir l\. G. Bhandarkar and Prof. 
Bhandarkar, Gautamiputra reigned conjointly with his son 
Pulumayi. They give the following reasons : 

(1) In Gautami's inscription (dated in the I9th war 
of her grandson Pulumayi) she is called the mother of the 
great king and the grandmother of the great king. Thifl 

1 Shninnsastry's translation of tho Artha5«htrn, p. 148, n. 2. 


statement would be pointless if she were not both at one 
and the same time. 

(2) If it were a fact that Gautamiputra was dead when 
the queen-mother's inscription was written, and Pulumayi 
alone was reigning, we should expect to find the exploits 
of the latter also celebrated in the inscription. But there 
is not a word in praise of him. A king dead for 19 years 
is extolled, and the reigning king passed in silence. 

(3) The inscription dated in the year 24, engraved on 
the cast wall of the Veranda of the Nasik Cave No. 3, which 
records a grant made by Gautamiputra and his mother, 
11 whose son is living," in favour of certain Buddhist 
monks "dwelling in the cave which was a pious {/if I 
of theirs" presupposes the gift of the Nasik Cave No. 3 
in the 19th year of Pulumayi. Consequently Gautamiputra 
was alive after the 19th year of his son. 

As regards point (1), it may be said that usually a queen 
sees only her husband and son on the throne. Queen Gau- 
tami Balasri, on the other hand, was one of the fortunate 
(or unfortunate) few who saw grandchildren on the throne. 
Therefore she claimed to be the mother of a great king 
and the grandmother of a great king. 

As to point (2), although it is not customary for an 
ordinary subject to extol a dead king and pass over a 
reigning monarch in silence, still it is perfectly natural 
for a queen-mother in her old age to recount the glories 
of a son who was associated with her in a previous gift. 

As to point (3), it is not clear that the gift referred to 
in the postscript of the year 24 was identical with the grant 
of the year 19 of Pulumayi. The donors in the postscript 
were king Gautamiputra and his mother, the donor 
in the year 19 of Pulumfiyi was tin* queen-mother alone. 
In the inscription of the year 24, the queen-mother is 
called M&h&deYl/tvajtf/d Rajamata. In Pulumayi's inscrip- 
tion the epithets Mahadevi and Raj aniata arc retained but 


the epithet " Jivasuta " is significantly omitted. The donees 
in the former grant were the Tekirasi ascetics, the donees 
in the latter grant were the Bhadavaniya monks. The 
object of grant in the former case may have been merely 
the Veranda of Cave No. 3, which contains the postscript 
of the year 24>, and whose existence before the. 19th year 
of Pulumayi is attested by an edict of Gautamiputra of 
the year 18. On the other hand the cave given away to 
the Bhadavaniya monks was the whole of Cave No. 3. 

If Gautamiputra and his son reigned simultaneously, 
and if the latter ruled as his father's colleague in Maha- 
rashtra, then it is difficult to explain why Gautamiputra 
addressed the officer at Govardhana directly, ignoring his 
son who is represented as ruling over Maharashtra, while 
in the record of the year 19, Pulumayi is considered as so 
important that the date is recorded in the years of his 
reign, and not in that of his father who was the senior 
ruler. 1 

The generally accepted view is that Pulumayi suc- 
ceeded Gautamiputra. We learn from Ptolemy that his 
capital was Baithan, i. e., Paithan or Pratisthilna on the 
Godavari, identified by Bhandarkar with Navanara. In- 
scriptions and coins prove that Pulumayi's dominions 
included the Krishna district as well as Maharashtra. 
We have already seen that the Andhra country is not 
mentioned in the list of countries over which Gautamiputra 
held his sway. It is not altogether improbable that 
Vasishthiputra Pulumayi was the first to establish the 
Satavahana power in that region. Sukhtankar identifies 
him with Siri Pulumayi, king of the Satavahanas, men- 
tioned in an inscription discovered in the Adoni taluk of 
the Bellary district. But the absence of the distinguishing 
matronymic probably indicates that the king referred 

1 (/. K. D liamiji | J. B, A. S, l'.MT. M Ml •' «*j. 


to in the inscription is Pulumayi I of the Puninas. 
Rapson identified Pulumayi with Vasishthiputra Sri 
Satakarni who is represented in a Kanheri inscription as 
the husband of a daughter of the Mahakshatrapa Ru(dra). 
He further identifies this Rudra with Rudradaman and 
savs that Pulumavi must be identified with Satakarni, 
lord of the Deccan, whom Rudradaman " twice in fair 
fight completely defeated, but did not destroy on account 
of the nearness of their connection." Prof. Bhandarkar 
does not accept the identification of Pulumayi with 
Vasishthiputra Sri Satakarni of the Kanheri Cave In- 
scription. He identifies the latter with Siva Sri Satakarni, 
the Siva Sri of the Matsya Purana, probably a brother 
and successor of Pulumayi. Another brother of Pulumayi 
was probably Sri Chandra Sati. 

The next important kings were Sri Sata (mis-called 
Sakasena) and Yajfiasrl Satakarni. Yajiiasri's inscriptions, 
which prove that he reigned for at least 2/ years, are 
found at the following places, viz., Nasik, Kanheri, and 
China (Krishna district). His coins are found in Gujarat, 
Kathiawar. East Malwa, Aparanta, the Central Provinces, 
and the Ktishna district. There can be no doubt that he 
ruled over both Maharashtra and the Andhra country. 
Smith says that his silver coins imitating the coinage of the 
Saka rulers of I jjain probably point to victories over the 
latter, and that the coins bearing the figure of a ship suggest 
the inference that the king's power extended over 
the sea. 

Yajiiasri was the last great king of his dynasty. After 
his death the Satavahanas probably lost Maharashtra to 
the Abhira king Isvarasena. The later Satavahana princes 
— Sri Rudra Satakarni, Sri Krishna Satakarni and others—^ 
ruled in Eastern Deccan and were supplanted by the 
Ikshvakus and the Pallavas. The Satakarnis of Kuntala, 
or the Kanarese districts, were supplanted by the Pallavas 


and Kadambas. A new power — the Vakataka — arose in 
the central Deccan probably towards the close of the third 
century A. D. 

III. The &akas op Ujjain. 

The greatest rivals of the restored Sataviihana Empire 
were at first the Saka Kshatrapas of Ujjain. The progeni- 
tor of the $aka princes of Ujjain was Ysamotika who was 
the father of Chashtana, the first Mahakshatrapa of the 
family. The name of Ysamotika is Scythio (JRAS, 1906, 
p. 211). His descendant, who was killed by Chandra 
Gupta If, is called a &ika king by Bana in his Harsha- 
charita. It is therefore assumed by scholars that the 
Kshatrapa family of Ujjain was a &aka family. 

The proper name of the dynasty is not known. Rapson 
says that it may have been Karddamaka. The daughter 
of Rudradaman boasts that she is descended from the 
family of Karddamaka kings ; but she may have been 
indebted to her mother for this distinction. The Kardda- 
maka kings apparently derive their name from the Karda- 
ma, a river in Persia (Parasika, Shama Sastry's translation 
of Kautilya, p. 86). 

According to Dubreuil, Chashtana ascended the throne 
in A. I). 78, and was the founder of the Saka era. But 
this is improbable in view of the fact that the capital of 
Chashtana (Tiastanes) was Ujjain (Ozene of Ptolemy), 
whereas we learn from the Periplus that Ozene was not 
a capital in the seventies of the first century A.D. 1 
The Periplus speaks of Ozene as a former capital, 
implying that it was not a capital in its own time. 
The earliest known date of Chashtana is S. E. 52 t. e. 
A. D. 130. We learn from the Andhau inscriptions that 

1 Tht Periplu* mentions Malichos (Waliku) the king of the Nubataoau* who died 
in A. D. 75, and Zoscalea (Za Hakale) king of the Anxumito* who reigned from 
A. D. 7« to m (JRAS, 1917, 827 MO). 


in the year A. D. 130 Chashtana was ruling conjointly 
with his grandson Rudradaman. Prof. Bhandarkar points 
out that his foreign title Kshatrapa, and the use of the 
Kharoshthi alphabet on his coins, clearly show that he 
was a Viceroy of some northern power — probably of the 
Kushans. Jayadaman, son of Chashtana, seems to have 
acted merely as a Kshatrapa and to have pre-deceased his 
father, and the latter was succeeded as Mahiikshatrapa by 

Rudradaman became an independent Mahakshatrapa 
sometime between the years 52 and 72 (A. D. 130 and 150). 
We learn from the Junagadh Rock Inscription of the year 
72 that men of all caste chose him as protector and that 
he won for himself the title of Mahakshatrapa. This 
probably indicates that he declared his independence. 

The place names in the inscription seem to show that 
the rule of Rudradaman extended over Purvaparakara- 
vanti (East and West Malwa), Anupanivrit or the 
Mahishmati (Mandhata ?) region, Anirtta 1 (district round 
Dwarakft), Surashtra (district round Junagadh), Svabhra 
(the country on the banks of the Sabarmati), Maru 
(Marwar), Kachchha (Cutch), Sindhu-Sauvlra (the Lower 
Indus valley * ), Kukura (part of central India, probably 
near the Pariyatra Mt, according to the Brihat 
tSarhhita, XIV, 4), Aparanta (N. Konkon), Xishada (in the 
region of the Western Vindhyas, cf. Pariyatracharah, 
Mbh., xii. 135,3-5), etc. Of these places Surashtra, 
Kukura, Aparanta, Anupa, and Akaravanti formed part 
of Gautamiputra's dominions, and must have been con- 
quered either from that king or one of his sons. The 

1 tm ui:j\ however designate the district round Vadanngnru (Bow. Uaz. 
I, i, 6). In that case Kukura should be placed in the Dw&raka region. The Bb&gavata 
Purana refers to Dwftraka as " Kukurandhakavrislinibhih^uptlh (I. 1 1. 10). 

- Sindhu is the inland portion (VV'atters, Yuau Chwang II. 252, 253, read with 
256). 8auvlra is the littoral (Milinda Panho, SHK . XXXVI, 269). 


Junagadh inscription supplies the information that Rudra- 
daman twice defeated $atakarni, lord of the Deccan, but 
did not destroy him on account of their near relationship. 
According to Prof. Bhandarkar this Satakarni was 
Gautamtputra himself whose son Vasishthiputra Satakar- 
ni was Rudradaman's son-in-law. According to Rapson 
the lord of the Deccan defeated by Rudradaman WBfl 

Rudradaman also conquered the Yaudheyas, who are 
known, from a stone inscription to have occupied the 
Bijayagadh region in the Bbaratpur state. If the Kushan 
chronology accepted by us be correct then he must have 
wrested Sindhu-Sauvira from one of the successors of 
Kanishka I. 

Rudradaman apparently held his court at Ujjain, 
which is mentioned by Ptolemy as the capital of his grand- 
father Chashtana, placing the provinces of Anarta and 
Surashtra under his Pallava Amatya, Suvisakha, who con- 
structed a new dam on the Sudars'ana Lake. 

The great Kshatrapa is said to have gained fame by 
studying grammar (Sabda), polity (artba), music (giuidharva 
logic (nyaya), etc. As a test of the civilised character of 
his rule it may be noted that he took, and kept to the 
end of his life, the vow to stop killing men except in 
battle. The Sudarsana embankment was built and the 
lake reconstructed by M expending a great amount of 
money from bis own treasury, without oppressing the 
people of the town and of the province by exacting taxes 
(Kara), forced labour (Vishti) ; benevolences (Pranaya), 
and the like" (Bomb. Gaz., I, 1, 3. U). The king was 
helped in the work of government by an able staff <>f 
officials, who were' fully endowed with the qualifications of 
ministers (amatya guna samudyuktaih) and were divided 
into two classes, viz., Matisachiva (councillors) and 
Karmasachiva (Executive officers). 


Rudradaman was succeeded by his eldest son Dama- 
ghaftda I. After Damaghsada there were (according 
to Rapson) two claimants for the succession : his son 
Jivadaman and his brother Rudra Simha I. The struggle 
was eventually decided in favour of the latter. To 
Rudra Simha's reign belongs the Gunda inscription of 
the year 103 ( = A. D. 181) which records the digging of a 
tank by an Abhlra general named Rudrabhuti, son of the 
general Bapaka. The Abhlras afterwards usurped the 
position of Mahakshatrapa. According to Prof. Bhandar- 
kar an Abhlra named Tsvaradatta was the Mahakshatrapa 
of the period 188-90 A. D. But Rapson places Tsvaradatta 
after A. D. 236. 

Rudra Simha T was followed by his sons Rudrasena I, 1 
Saiighadaman and Damasena. Three of "Damasena's sons 
became Mahakshatrapas, viz., Yasodiiman, Vijayasena and 
Damajada &ri. This last prince was succeeded by his 
nephew Rudrasena II who was followed by his sons Visva- 
siriiha and Bhartridaman. Under Bhartridaman his son 
Vis'vasena served as Kshatrapa. 

The connection of Bhartridaman and Vis'vasena with 
the next Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman II and his succes- 
sors cannot be ascertained. The last known member of 
the line was Rudra Simha III who ruled up to at least 
A. D. 388. 

The rule of the $akas of Western India was destroyed 
by the Guptas. Already in the time of Samudra Gupta 
the Sakas appear among the peoples represented as doing 
respectful homage to him. The TJdayagiri Inscriptions 
of Chandra Gupta II testify to that monarch's conquest 
of Eastern Malwa. One of the inscriptions commemo- 
rates the construction of a cave by a minister of Chandra 

1 To Riuh-aspmiV reign belongs the Muhvasar inscription of A. D. 200, and 
Jasdhan inscription of A. U. 205. In the latter inscription we have the title Bhadra. 
mnlha applied to all the ancestors of Rudiasenn excepting Jayadama. 


Gupta who " came here, accompanied by the king in 
person, who was seeking to conquer the whole world.*' 
The subjugation of western Malwa is probably hinted at 
by the epithet " Simhavikrantagamini," or vassal of Siriiha- 
Vikrama, I <?., Chandra Gnpta II applied to Naravarman 
of Mandasor (Ind. Ant., 1913, p. 162). Evidence of the 
conquest of Surashtra is to be seen in Chandra Gupta's 
silver coins which are imitated from those of the Saka 
Satraps. Lastly, Bana in his Harshacharita refers to the 
slaying of the &nka king by Chandra Gupta (Aripure 
cha parakalatra kamukam kaminivesaguptas'cha Chandra 
Guptah Sakapatimasatayaditi). 


I. The Rise of the Gupta Power. 

We have seen that the tide of Scythian conquest, 
which was rolled back for a time by the Satavahanas, was 
finally stemmed by the Gupta Emperors It is interesting 
to note that there were many Guptas among the officials 
of the Satavahana conquerors of the Sakas, e.g., Siva 
Gupta of the Nasik Inscription of the year 18, — Gupta 
of the Karle inscription, and Sivaskanda Gupta of the 
same inscription. It is difficult to say whether there was 
any connection between these Guptas and the Imperial 
Gupta family of Northern India. 

Scions of the Gupta family are not unoften mentioned 
in old Brahmi Inscriptions. The Ichchhawar (Banda 
district) Buddhist Statuette inscription (Liiders, No. 11) 
mentions the benefaction of Mahadevt queen of Sri 
Haridasa, sprung from the Gupta race (Gupta vamsodita). 
A Bharaut Buddhist Pillar Inscription (Liiders, No. 687) 
of the Suiiga period refers to a " Gaupti " as the queen of 
Rajan Visadeva, and the grandmother of Dhanabhuti a 
feudatory of the Sungas. 

Traces of Gupta rule in Magadha are found as early 
as the second century A. D. I-Tsing, a Chinese pilgrim, 
who travelled in India in the seventh century A. D., 
mentions a Maharaja Sri Gupta who built a temple near 
Mrigasikhavana. I-Tsing's date would place him about 
A D. 175 (Allan, Gupta Coins, Introduction, p. xv). Allan 
rejects the date and identifies Sri Gupta with Gupta the 
great-grand-father of Samudra Gupta on the ground that 
it is unlikely that we should have two different rulers in 


the same territory, of the same name, within a brief 
period. But, have we not two Chandra Guptas and two 
Kumara Guptas within brief periods? There is no cogent 
reason for identifying &r! Gupta of A. D. 175 with 
Samudra Gupta's great-grand- father who must have 
flourished about a century later. 

The names of Sri Gupta's immediate successors are not 
known. The earliest name of the Gupta family of 
Magadha which appears in inscriptions is that of Maha- 
raja Gupta who was succeeded by his son Maharaja 

Chandra Gupta I. 

The first independent sovereign (Maharajadhiraja) was 
Chandra Gupta I, son of Ghatotkacha, who ascended the 
throne in 320 A. D. the initial date of the Gupta Era. Like 
his great fore-runner Bimbisara he strengthened his posi- 
tion by a matrimonial alliance with the Lichchhavis of 
Vais'ali, and laid the foundations of the Second Magadhan 
Empire. The union of Chandra Gupta I with the 
Lichchhavi family is commemorated by a series of coins 
having on the obverse standing figures of Chandra Gupta 
and his queen, the Lichchhavi Princess Kumaradevi, and 
on the reverse a figure of Lakshmi with the legend 
* Lichchhavayah " probably signifying that the prosperity 
of Chandra Gupta was due to his Lichchhavi alliance. 
Smith suggests that the Lichchhavis were ruling in 
Pataliputra as tributaries or feudatories of the Kushans, 
and that through his marriage Chandra Gupta succeeded 
to the power of his wife's relatives. But Allan points out 
that Pataliputra was in the possession of the Guptas even 
in Sri Gupta's time. 

From our knowledge of Samudra Gupta's conquests it 
may be deduced that his father's rule was confined to 
Magadha and the adjoining territories. In the opinion of 


Allan the Puranic verses defining the Gupta dominions 
refer to his reign : 

AnuGanga Prayagamcha $aketam Magadharhstatha 
Etan janapadan sarvan bhokshyante Gupta vamsajah. 

It will be seen that Vaisall is not included in this list 
of Gupta possessions. Therefore we cannot concur in 
Allan's view that Vaisali was one of Chandra Gupta's 
earliest conquests. Nor does Vais'ali occur in the list of 
Samudra Gupta's acquisitions. It first appears as a Gupta 
possession in the time of Chandra Gupta II, and consti- 
tuted a Viceroy alty under an Imperial Prince. 

Samudra Gupta Parakramahka. 

Chandra Gupta I was succeeded by his son Samudra 
Gupta. It is clear from the Allahabad prasasti and from 
the epithet tatparigrihita applied to Samudra Gupta in 
other inscriptions that the prince was selected from among 
his sons by Chandra Gupta I as best fitted to succeed him. 
The new monarch seems also to have been known as 
Kacha. 1 

It was the aim of Samudra Gupta to bring about the 
political unification of India and make himself an Ekarat 
like Mahapadma. But his only permanent annexation 
was that of portions of Aryavarta. Following his " Sarva- 
kshatrantaka" predecessor, he uprooted Rudradeva, Matila, 
Nagadatta, Chandravarman, Ganapati Naga, Nagasena, 
Achyuta, Nandi, Balavarman and many other kings of 
Aryavarta, captured the scion of the family of Kota and 
made all kings of the forest countries (atavika-raja) his 
servants. Matila has been identified with a person named 
Mattila mentioned in a seal found in Bulaudshahr. The 

1 The epithet SarvarSjochchhetta found on Kaclm's coins s'iows that he was 
identical with Samudra Gupta. 


absence of any honorific title on the seal leads Allan to sug- 
gest that it was a private one. But we have already come 
across many instances of princes being mentioned without 
any honorific. Chandravarman has been identified with the 
king of the same name mentioned in the Susunia inscrip- 
tion, who was the ruler of Pushkarambudhi in Raja- 
putana. Pandit H. P. Sastri believes that this king is 
identical also with the mighty sovereign Chandra of the 
Meharauli Iron Pillar Inscription " who in battle in 
the Vanga countries turned back with his breast the 
enemies who uniting together came against him, and by 
whom having crossed in warfare the seven mouths of the 
Indus the Vahlikas were conquered." It should, however, 
be noted that the Puranas represent the Nagas as ruling 
in the Jumna valley and Central India in the fourth 
century A.D. We learn from the Vishnu Purana that 
Naga dynasties ruled at Padmavati and Mathura. A Naga 
line probably ruled also at Vidis'a (Pargiter, Kali Age, 
p. 49). Two kings named Sada-Chandra and Chandramsa 
" the second Nakhavant " are mentioned among the post- 
Andhran kings of Naga lineage. One of these, preferably 
the latter, may have been the Chandra of the Meharauli 
inscription. Ganapati Naga, Nagasena and Nandi also seem 
to have been Naga princes. The statement that Ganapati- 
Naga was a Naga prince requires no proof. This prince 
is also known from coins. Nagasena, heir of the house of 
Padmavati (Narwar in the Gwalior territory) is mentioned 
in the Harshacharita (Naga kulajanmanah sarikas'ravita 
mantrasya asidnaso Nagasenasya Padmavatyam). Nandi 
was also probably a Naga prince. In the Puranas 
Sis'u Nandi and Nandiyas'as are connected with the Naga 
family of Central India. We know the name of a Naga 
prince named Sivanamdi (Dubreuil, Ancient History of 
the Deccan, p. 31). Achyuta was probably a king of 
Ahichchhatra. To him has been attributed the small 


copper coins bearing the syllables ' achyu ' found at 
Ahichchhatra (Allan, Gupta Coins, xxii). 

The conquered territories were constituted as vishayas 
or Imperial sub-provinces. Two of these vishayas are 
known from later inscriptions, namely Antarvedi and 

The annexation of the northern kingdoms was not 
the only achievement of Samudra Gupta. He made 
the rulers of the Atavika rajyas his servants, led an 
expedition to the south and made his power felt by the 
potentates of Eastern Deccan. We perceive, however, a 
difference between his northern and southern campaigns. 
In the north he played the part of a digvijayi of the 
Early Magadhan type. But in the south he followed the 
Kautilyan ideal of a dharmavijayi, i.e., he defeated the 
kings but did not annex their territory. 

The Atavika rajyas were closely connected with 
Dabhala (Fleet, CII, p. 114), i.e., the Jabbalpur region 
(Ep. Ind., VIII, 284-287). The conquest of this region by 
Samudra Gupta is proved also by his Eran inscription. 
One of the Atavika states was Kotatavi which reminds us 
of the "Kota-Kula" which the Gupta monarch overthrew. 

The Kings of Dakshinapatha who came into conflict 
with the great Gupta were Mahendra of Kosala, 
Vyaghraraja of Mahakantara, Mantaraja of Kaurala, 
Svamidatta of Pishtapura and of Kottura on Mahendragiri, 
Damana of Erandapalla, Vishnugopa of Kanchl, Nilaraja 
of Avamukta, Hastivarman of VeugS, Ugrasena of Palakka 
Kuvera of Devarashtra, and Dhanafijaya of Kusthalapura. 

Kosala is South Kosala which comprised the modern 
Raipur and Sambalpur districts. Mahakantara is 
apparently a wild tract of Central India probably 
identical with the Jaso State. Kaurala (probably a 
variant of Kerala, Fleet, CII, p. 13) is apparently the 
district of which the capital in later, times was 


Yayatinagarl on the Mahanadi (Ep. Ind., XI, p. 189). ? 
The poet Dhoyi, in his Pavanadutam, connects the Keralis 
with Yayatinagari : 

Lilarii neturii nayanapadavfm Kerallnam rateschet 
Gachchheh khyatam jagati nagarim akhyayatam Yayateh. 

Pishtapura is Pithapuram in the Godavart district. 
Kottura has been identified with Kothoor, 12 miles south- 
south-east of Mahendragiri in Gafijam, 2 and Erandapalla 
with Erandapali " a town probably near Chicacole " 
(Dubreuil, A.H. D., pp. 58-60). Kanchi is Conjeeveram near 
Madras. Avamukta cannot be satisfactorily identified. But 
the name of its king Nilaraja reminds us of Nilapalli " an 
old seaport near Yanam "in the Godavarl district (Gazetteer 
of the Godavari District, Vol. I, p. 213). Vengi has been 
identified with Vegi or Pedda-Vegi 7 miles north of Ellore 
(Krishna, District). Palakka is probably identical with 
Palakkada, the seat of a Pallava viceroyalty. Devarashtra 
is the Yellamanchili tract in the Vizagapatam district 
(Dubreuil, A. H. D., p. 160). Kusthalapura cannot be 
satisfactorily identified. 

The capture and liberation of the southern kings, 
notably of the ruler of Kottura on Mahendragiri, reminds 
us of the following lines of Kalidasa's Raghuvams'a : — 

Grihitapratimuktasya sa dharmavijayi nripah 
Sriyam Mahendranathasya jahara natu medinim. 

It is not a little surprising that the Allahabad 
pras'asti contains no reference to the Vakatakas who were 
now the predominant power in the region between 
Bundelkhandand Karnata. The earliest reference to the 
Vakatakas occurs in certain inscriptions of Amaravati 

1 Kaar&la cannot be Kolleru or colair winch mnat have been included within the 
territory of Haativarman of Vengt. 

* There is another Kottura ' at the foot of the hills ' in the Yizagapatam district 
(Viz. Dist. Gar., I, 137). • 


(Ep. Ind., XV, pp. 261, 267). The dynasty rose to power 
under Vindhya^akti and his son Pravarasena I. 
Pravarasena appears to have been succeeded by his 
grandson Rudrasena I. Prithivisena I, the son and 
successor of Rudrasena I, must have been a contemporary 
of Samudra Gupta inasmuch as his son Rudrasena II 
was a contemporary of Samudra Gupta's son Chandra 
Gupta II. Prithivisena I's political influence extended 
from Nachne-ki-talai in Bundelkhand (Fleet, CII, p. 233) 
to the borders of Kuntala (or Karnata, Ind. Ant., 1876, 
p. 318), I.e., the Kanarese country. One of the 
Ajanta inscriptions credits him with having conquered 
the lord of Kuntala. The Nach-ne-kl-talai region 
was ruled by his vassal Vyaghradeva. Prof. Dubreuil, 
however, says that the Nachna inscription which 
mentions Vyaghra, belongs not to Prithivisena I but to 
his descendant Prithivisena II. But this is im- 
probable in view of the fact that from the time of 
Prithivisena II's great-grand-father, if not from a period 
still earlier, down to at least A.D. 528, the princes of the 
region which intervenes between Nachna and the 
Vakataka territory, owned the sway of the Gupta empire. 
Now as Vyaghra of the Nachna record acknowledges the 
supremacy of the Vakataka Prithivisena, this Prithivisena 
can only be Prithivisena I who ruled before the establish- 
ment of the Gupta supremacy in Central India by 
Samudra Gupta and Chandra Gupta II (cf. the Eran and 
Udayagiri Inscriptions), and not Prithivisena II during 
whose rule the Guptas, and not the Vakatakas, were the 
acknowledged suzerains of the Central Provinces as we 
know from the records of the Parivrajaka Maharajas (cf. 
Modern Review, April, 1921, p. 475). 

The absence of any reference to Piithivisena I in 
Harishena's prasasti is explained by the fact that Samudra 
Gupta's operations were confined to the eastern part of the 


Deccan. There is no evidence that the Gupta conqueror 
carried his arms to the central and western parts of the 
Deccan, i.e., the territory ruled by Prithivisena I himself- 
Prof. Dubreuil has shown that the identification of 
Devarashtra with Maharashtra and of Erandapalla with 
Erandol in Khandesh, is wrong (rf. Modern Review, 1921, 
p. 457). 

Though Samudra Gupta did not invade the Western 
Deccan it is clear from his Eran Inscription that he did 
deprive the Vakatakas of their possessions in Central India. 
But these possessions were not directly governed by the 
Vakataka monarch, but were under a vassal prince. In 
the time of Prithivisena this prince was Vyaghra. We 
should naturally expect a conflict between the Vakataka 
feudatory and the Gupta conqueror. Curiously enough 
the Allahabad prasasti refers to Samudra Gupta's victory 
over Vyaghraraja of Mahakantara. It is probable 
that this Vyaghraraja is identical with the Vyaghra of 
the Nachna inscription who was the Central Indian 
feudatory of Prithivisena. As a result of Samudra 
Gupta's victory the Guptas succeeded the Vakatakas as 
the paramount power of Central India. Henceforth the 
Vakatakas appear as a purely southern power. 

The victorious career of Samudra Gupta must have 
produced a deep impression on the pratyanta nripatis or 
frontier kings of East India and the Himalayan region, 
and the tribal states of the Panjab, Western India and 
Malwa who are said to have gratified his imperious 
commands (Prachanda Sasana) M by giving all kinds of 
taxes, obeying his orders and coming to perform 
obeisance." The most important among the East Indian 
frontier kingdoms which submitted to the mighty Gupta 
Emperor were Samatata (part of East Bengal bordering 
on the sea), Davaka (not satisfactorily identified) and 
Kamarupa (in Assam) ; we learn from the Damodarapur 


plates that Pundravardhana or North Bengal formed an 
integral part of the Gupta Empire and was governed hy a 
line of Uparika Maharajas as vassals of the Gupta 
Emperor. The identification of Davaka with certain 
districts of North Bengal is therefore wrong. The 
Northern Pratyantas were Nepal and Kartripura, the 
latter principality comprised probably Katarpur in the 
Jalandhar district, and the territory of the Katur, Katuria 
or Katyur rajas of Kumaun, Garhwal and Rohilkhand. 

The tribal states which paid homage were situated on 
the western and south-western fringe of Aryiivarta proper. 
Among these the most important were the Malavas, 
Arjunayanas, Yaudheyas, Madrakas, Abhiras, Prarjunas, 
Sanakanikas, Kakas and Kharaparikas. 

The Malavas were in the Panjab in the time of 
Alexander. They were probably in Rajaputana when 
they came into conflict with Ushavadata. Their exact 
location in the time of Samudra Gupta cannot be deter- 
mined. In the time of Samudra Gupta's successors they 
were probably connected with the Mandasor region. We 
find princes of Mandasor using the reckoning (commenc- 
ing B.C. 58) handed down traditionally by the Malava- 
gana (Malavaganamnata). 

The Arjunayanas and the Yaudheyas are placed in the 
northern division of India by the author of the Brihat- 
Sarhhita. They may have been connected with the 
Pandoouoi or Pandava tribe mentioned by Ptolemy as 
settled in the Panjab (Ind. Ant , XIII, 331, 349). The 
connection of the Arjunayanas with the Pandava Arjuna 
is apparent. Yaudheya appears as the name of a son of 
Yudhishthira in the Mahabbarata (Adi, 95, 76). The 
Harivams'ji, a later authority, connects the Yaudheyas 
with Uslnara (Pargiter, Markarujeya Purana, p. 380). 
A clue to the locality of the Yaudheyas is given by the 
Bijayagadh inscription (Fleet, CII, p. 251). The hill fort 


of Bijayagadh lies about two miles to the south-west 
of Byana in the Bharatpur state of Rajaputana. 

The Madrakas had their capital at Sakala or Sialkot 
in the Pafijab. The Abhiras occupied the tract near 
Vioasana (&udrabhiran prati dveshad yatro nashta 
SarasvatS, Mbh. IX. 37.1) in the territory called Abiria by 
the Periplus. We have already seen that an Abhira 
became Mahakshatrapa of western India and supplanted 
the Satavahanas in a part of Maharashtra in the second 
or third century A.D. The lauds of the Prarjuuas, 
Sanakanikas, Kakas and Kharaparikas lay probably in 
central India. The Prarjunakas are mentioued in the 
Arthasastra of Kautilya (p. 194). A clue to the locality 
of the Sanakanikas is given by one of the Udayagiri 
inscriptions of Chandra Gupta II. The name of the 
Kakas reminds us of the " Kankas " who are placed in 
Mid-India by the author of the Brihat Samhita (XIV. 4). 
In the Bombay Gazetteer Kaka is identified with Kakupur 
near Bithur. 

The rise of a new indigenous Imperial power could not 
be a matter of indifference to the foreign potentates of 
the Uttarapatha and Surashtra who hastened to buy peace 
" by acts of homage, such as self-sacrifice, the bringing of 
gifts of maidens, the soliciting of charters confirming in the 
enjoyment of their territories, bearing the Garuda seal." 
The foreign powers who thus established diplomatic 
relations with Samudra Gupta were the Daivaputra Shahi 
Shahanushahi and the Saka Murundas as well as the 
people of Siriihala and all other dwellers in Islands. 

The Daivaputra Shahi Shahanushahi was apparently 
the Kushan ruler of the north-west, a descendant of 
the Great Kanishka. The Saka Murundas were apparently 
the Kshatrapas of Ujjain. Sten Konow tells us that 
Murunda is a Saka word meaning lord, Sanskrit Svfimin. 
The epithet Svamin was used by the Kshatrapas of Ujjain. 


Samudra Gupta's Ceylonese contemporary was Megha- 
varna. A Chinese historian relates that Mes?havarna sent 
an embassy with gifts to Samudra Gupta and obtained 
his permission to erect a splendid monastery to the north 
of the holy tree at Bodh Gaya for the use of pilgrims 
from the Island. 

Allan thinks that it was at the conclusion of his 
campaigns that the Gupta conqueror celebrated the horse- 
sacrifice which, we are told in the inscriptions of his 
successors, had long been in abeyance. But it should be 
noted that the Asvamedha was celebrated by several kings 
during the interval which elapsed from the time of 
Pushyamitra to that of Samudra Gupta, e.g., Satakarni the 
husband of Nayanika, Pravarasena I Vakataka, great- 
grand-father of Prithivisena I, the contemporary of 
Samudra Gupta, and the Pallava Sivaskandavarman 
of the Prakrit Hirahadagalli record. It is probable, 
however, that the court poets of the Guptas knew 
little about these southern monarchs. After the horse 
sacrifice Samudra Gupta apparently took the title of 
Asvameclhaparakramah . 

If Harishena, the writer of the Allahabad Prasasti, is 
to be believed the great Gupta was a man of versatile genius. 
" He put to shame the preceptor of the lord of Gods and 
Tumburu and Narada and others by his sharp and polish- 
ed intellect and choral skill and musical accomplishments. 
He established his title of Kaviraja by various poetical 
compositions." Unfortunately none of these composi- 
tions have survived. But the testimony of Harishena to 
his musical abilities finds corroboration in the lyrist type 
of his coins. 

The attribution of the coins bearing the name Kacha 
to Samudra Gupta may be accepted. But the emperor's 
identification with Dharmaditya of a Faridpur grant is 
clearly wrong. The titles used by the emperor were 


Apratiratba, Kritantaparas'u, Sarvarajochchhetta, 1 Vyagh- 
raparakrama, As'vamedhaparakmma, and Parakramanka 
but not Dharmaditya. 

We possess no dated documents for Samudra Gupta's 
reign. The Gaya grant professes to be dated in the year 
9, but no reliance can be placed on it and the reading 
of the numeral is uncertain. Smith's date (330-375) for 
Samudra Gupta is conjectural. As the earliest known 
date of Chandra Gupta II is A.D. 401, it is not im- 
probable that Samudra Gupta died sometime after 
A.D 375. 

II. The Age of the Vikramadityas. 
Chandra Gupta II Vikramaditya. 

Samudra Gupta was succeeded by his son Chandra 
Gupta II Vikramaditya (also called Simhachandra and 
Siriiha Vikrama), born of queen Dattadevi. Chandra 
Gupta was chosen out of many sons by Samudra Gupta 
as the best fitted to succeed him. Another name of the 
new monarch disclosed by certain Vakataka inscriptions 
and the Sanchi inscription of A.D. 412 was Deva Gupta 
or Devaraja (Bhandarkar, Ind. Ant., 1913, p. 160). 

For his reign we possess a number of dated inscrip- 
tions so that its limits may be defined with more accuracy 
than those of his predecessors. His accession should be 
placed before A.D. 401-2, and his death in or about 
AD. 413-14. 

The most important external events of the reign were 
the Emperor's matrimonial alliance with the Vakataka 
king Rudrasena II, son of Prithivisena I, and the war 
with the Saka Satraps which added Malwa and Surashtra 
to the Gupta dominions. 

1 Cf. the epithet " Snrrnkshattrfntaka " applied to hit great fore-ranner Mah*. 
padma Nand.i. 


Chandra Gupta II had a daughter named Prabhavat!, 
by his consort Kuveranaga a princess of Naga lineage, 
whom he gave in marriage to Rudrasena II, the Vak&taka 
king of the Deccan. According to Dr. Smith (JRAS, 1914, 
p. 324) " the Vakataka Maharaja occupied a geographical 
position in which he could be of much service or disservice 
to the northern invader of the dominions of the Saka 
Satraps of Gujarat and Surashtra, Chandra Gupta 
adopted a prudent precaution in giving his daughter to the 
Vakataka prince and so securing his subordinate alliance." 

The campaign against the western Satraps is apparently 
alluded to in the Udayagiri Cave Inscription of Vlrasena- 
&iba in the following passage " he (&aba) came here, 
accompanied by the king (Chandra Gupta) in person, who 
was seeking to conquer the whole world." $3,ba was an 
inhabitant of Pataliputra who held the position, acquired 
by hereditary descent, of being a sachiva of Chandra 
Gupta II and was placed by his sovereign in charge of the 
Department of Peace and War. He naturally accompanied 
his master when the great western expedition was under- 
taken. The campaign against the Sakas was eminently 
successful. The fall of the &aka Satrap is alluded to by 
Bana. The annexation of his territory is proved by coins. 

Capitals of the Empire — The original Gupta capital 
seems to have been at Pataliputra. But after his western 
oonquests Chandra Gupta made Ujjain a second capital. 
Certain chiefs of the Kanarese districts, who claimed 
descent from Chandra Gupta Vikramaditya, referred to 
their ancestor as Uj jay inipuravaradhis vara as well as 
Pataliputrapuravaradhisvara. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar 
identifies Chandra Gupta with the traditional Vikrama- 
ditya Sakari of Ujjain. 1 The titles Srlvikramah, 

1 In literature Vikramflditya is represented as ruling at Pataliputra (Rath*- 
saritsSgara VII, 4.3. Vikramaditya itySsidraji Pafcaliputratrake) as well as 


SimhavikramaJ), Ajitavikramah, Yikramaiika and Vikrama- 
ditya actually occur on Chandra Gupta's coins. 

We have no detailed contemporary account of Ujjavini 
(also called Yisalii, Padmavati, Bhogavati, Hiranyavati) 
in the days of Chandra Gupta. But Fa-hien who visited 
India from A.D. 405 to 411 has left an interesting account 
of Pataliputra. The pilgrim refers to the royal palace 
of As'oka and halls in the midst of the city, " which exist 
now as of old," and were according to him all made by 
spirits which Asoka employed, and which piled up the 
stones, reared the walls and gates, and executed the 
elegant carving and inlaid sculpture-work, — in a way 
which no human hands of this world could accomplish. 
" The inhabitants are rich and prosperous, and vie with 
one another in the practice of benevolence and righteous- 
ness. Every year on the eighth day of the second month 
they celebrate a procession of images.... The Heads of 
the Vais'ya families establish houses for dispensing charity 
and medicines." 

Much light is thrown on the character of Chandra 
Gupta Vtkramaditya's administration by the narrative 
of Fa-hien and the inscriptions that have hitherto been 

Speaking of the Middle Kingdom (the dominions of 
Chandra Gupta) the Chinese pilgrim says " the people 
are numerous and happy ; they have not to register their 
households, or attend to any magistrates and their rules ; 
only those who cultivate the royal land have to pay a 
portion of the gain from it. If they want to go, they go : 
if they want to stay on, they stay. The king governs 
without decapitation or other corporal punishments. 
Criminals are simply lined, lightly or heavily, according to 
the circumstances of each case. Even in cases of repeated 
attempts at wicked rebellion, they only have their right 
hands cut off. The king's body-guards and attendants 


all have salaries. Throughout the whole country the 
people do not kill any living creature, nor drink intoxi- 
cating liquor, nor eat onions or garlic. The only excep- 
tion is that of the Chandalas. . . . In buying and selling 
commodities they use cowries." The last statement 
evidently refers to such small transactions as Fa-hien 
had occasion to make (Allan). He does not seem to have 
met with the gold coins which would only be required for 
large transactions. That they were actually in currency, 
we know from the references to donations of dinaras and 
Mivarnas in the inscriptions. 

That Chandra Gupta was a good monarch may 
be inferred also from the inscriptions. He himself 
was a Vaishnava (Paramabhagavata). But he appointed 
men of other sects to high offices. His general 
Amrakardava, the hero of a hundred fights (aneka- 
samar-avapta-vijayayasas-patakah) appears to have been 
a Buddhist, while his minister of Peace and War (Saba- 
Virasena) and perhaps also his Mantrin, $ikharasvamin, 
were Saivas. 

Regarding the machinery of Government we have 
no detailed information. But the following facts may be 
gleaned from the inscriptions. 

As in Maurya times the head of the state was the 
Raja who was apparently nominated by his predecessor. 
He was assisted by a body of high Ministers whose office 
was very often hereditary (cf. the phrase " anvayapr&pta 
Sachivya"). The most important among the High 
Ministers were the Mantrin, the Samdhivigrahika and the 
Akshapataladhikrita. Like the Maurya Mantrin, the 
Gupta Samdhivigrahika accompanied the sovereign to 
the battle-field. There waa no clear-cut division between 
civil and military officials. The same person could be 
Samdhivigrahika and Mahadandanayaka, and a Mantrin 
could become a Mahabaladhikrita. 


It is not clear whether the Guptas had a central 
Mantriparishad. But the existence of local parishads 
(e.g. the Parishad of Udanakupa) is proved by a Bas uli 
seal discovered by Bloch. 

The empire was divided into a number of Provinces 
(Desas, Bhuktis, etc.) sub-divided into districts called 
Prades'as or Vishayas. Among Desas the Gupta inscrip- 
tions mention Sukulidesa, Surashtra, DabMla and 
" Kalindi Narmadayor Madhya " are also perhaps to be 
placed under this category. 

Among Bhuktis we have reference to Tirabhukti, 
Pundravardhana bhukti, Sravasti bhukti and Nasrara 
bhukti. Among Prades'as or Vishayas mention is made 
of Latavishaya, Tripurivishaya, Arikina (called Pradesa 
in Samudra Gupta's Eran inscription, and Yishaya in 
that of Toramana), Antarvedi, Valavi, Gayii, Kotivarsha, 
Mahakhushapara and Kundadhani. 

The Desas were governed by officers called Goptris or 
Wardens of the Marches (of. Sarveshu Des'eshu vidhaya 
Goptiin). The Bhuktis were governed by Uparika Maha- 
rajas who were sometimes princes of the Imperial family 
(e.g., Rajaputradevabhattaraka, Governor of Pundravar- 
dhanabhukti mentioned in a Damodarapur plate, and 
Govinda Gupta Governor of Tirabhukti mentioned in the 
Basarh seals). The office of Vishyapati or District Officer 
was held by Imperial officials like the Kumaramatya and 
Ayuktaka, as well as by feudatory Maharajas (cf. Matri- 
vishmi). Some of the Vishayapatis (e.g., Sarvanaga of 
Antarvedi) were directly under the Emperor, while others 
(e.g., those of Kotivarsha, Arikina and Tripuri) were under 
provincial governors. The Governors and District Officers 
were no doubt helped by officials like the Chauroddhara- 
nika, Dan^ika^ Danc^pas'ika and others. Every Vishaya 
consisted of a number of gramas or villages which were 
administered by the Gramikas, Mahattaras or Bhojakas. 


Outside the limits of the Imperial provinces lay the 
vassal kingdoms and republics mentioned in the Allahabad 
pras'asti and other documents. 

The Basarh seals throw some interesting sidelight on 
the provincial and municipal government as well as the 
economic organisation of the province of Tlrabhukti. 
The province was apparently governed by prince Govinda 
Gupta, a son of the Emperor by the Mahadevi Sri 
Dhruvasvamin?, who had his capital at Vaisall. The seals 
mention several officials like the Up;irika (Governor), the 
Kumaramatya, the Mahapratihara (the great chamberlain), 
the Mahadandanayaka (the great general), the Vinaya- 
sthiti->thapaka (the censor), and the Bhatasvapati (lord 
of the army and cavalry), and the following offices, e.g., 
Yuvarajapadtya Kumaramatyadhikarana (office of the 
minister of His Highness the Crown Prince, according to 
Vogel), Ranabhandagaradhikarana (office of the chief 
treasurer of the war department), Baladhikarana (office of 
the chief of the military forces), Dandapasadhikarana 
(office of the chief of Police), Ttrabhuktyuparikadhikarana 
(office of the governor of Tirhut), Tirabhuktau Vinaya- 
sthiti-sthapakadhikarana (office of the Censor ? of Tirhut), 
Vaisalyadhisthanadhikarana (office of the governor of 
Vaisali), Sriparamabhattarakapadiya Kumaramatyadhi- 
karana (office of the minister of the Prince waiting on 
His Majesty). 

The reference to the Parishad of Udanakupa 
shows that the Parishad still formed an important 
element of the Hindu machinery of government. The 
reference to the corporation of bankers, traders and 
merchants (Sreshthi-sarthavaha-kulika-nigama) is of 
interest to students of economics. 

Chandra Gupta II had at least two queens, Dhruvadevl 
and Kuveranaga. The first queen was the mother of 
Kumara Gupta I and Govinda Gupta. The second queen 


was the mother of Prabhavati who became queen of 
the Vakat&kas. Certain mediaeval chiefs of the Kanarese 
country claimed descent from Chandra Gupta. 

Kvmara Gupta I Mahendradilya. 

Chandra Gupta IPs successor was Kumara Gupta I 
Mahendraditya ' whose certain dates range from A.D. 
415 to A. D. 455. His extensive coinage, and the 
wide distribution of his inscriptions show that he was 
able to retain his father's Empire including the western 
provinces. One of his viceroys, Chiratadatta, governed 
Pundravardhana Bhukti or north Bengal (cf. the Darao- 
darpur plates of the years 124 and 129) ; another viceroy, 
prince Ghatotkacha Gupta, governed the province of 
Eran which included Tumbavana (M.B. Garde, Ind. Ant., 
1920, p. 114, Tumain Inscription of the year 116, />., 
A.D. 435) ; a third viceroy or feudatory, Bandhuvarman, 
governed Dasapura (Mandasor Inscription of A.D. 437-8). 
The Karamadande inscription of A.D. 436 mentions 
Prithivishena who was a Mantrin and Kumaramatya, and 
afterwards Mahabaladhikrita or general under Kumara 
Gupta, probably stationed in Oudh. 

Like his father Kumara was a tolerant king. During 
his rule the worship of Svami Mahasena (Kartikeya), 
Buddha, $iva in the liiiga form, and the sun, as well as 
that of Vishnu, flourished peacefully side by side (cf. the 
Bilsad, Mankuwar, Karamadande, and Mandasor inscrip- 

The two notable events of Kumara* s reign are : the 
celebration of the horse sacrifice (evidenced by the rare 
As'vamedha type of his gold coinage), and the temporary 
eclipse of the Gupta power by the Pushyamitras. The 

• Al«o called Srf Mahendra, Asvnmedha Mahendra, Ajita Maliendra. Simha 
Mahendra, Srt Mahendra Siruha. Mahendrnkuuiaro, Simha Vikratua (Allan, Ciupta 
Coins, p. 80), Vyaghrabalapar&kranin, and 8rl Pratd] a. 


reading Pushyamitra in the Bhitari inscription is, however, 
not accepted by some scholars because the second syllable 
of this name is damaged (cf. CII, p. 55 n). Mr. H. R. 
Divekar in his article " Pusyamitras in Gupta Period" 
(Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute) makes the plausible 
emendation Yudhy — amitrams = ca for Dr. Fleet's reading 
Pusyamitrams'==ca in C.T.I. , iii, p. 55. It is admitted on 
all hands that during the concluding years of Kumara'* 
reign the # Gupta Empire " had been made to totter." 
Whether the reference in tlie inscription is simply to 
Amitras or enemies, or to Pushyamitras, cannot be 
satisfactorily determined. We should, however, remember 
in this connection that a people called Pushyamitra is 
actually referred to in the Vishnu Purana. The fallen 
fortunes of the Gupta family were restored by prince 
Skanda Gupta (cf. the Bhitari Inscription). 

Kumara's chief queen was Anantadevi. He had at 
least two sons, viz., Pura Gupta, son of Anantadevi, and 
Skanda Gupta the name of whose mother is not given in 
the inscriptions. Hiuen Tsang calls Buddha Gupta 
(Fo-to-kio-to) or Budha Gupta 1 a son of Sakraditya. 
The only predecessor of Budha Gupta who had this title 
was Kumara Gupta I who is called Mahendraditya on 
coins. Mahendra is the same as Sakra. The use of 
synonymous terms as names was not unknown in the 
Gupta period. Vikraraaditya was also called Vikramanka. 
Skanda is called both Vikramaditya and Kramaditya, 
both the words meaning "sun of power." If Sakraditya of 
Hiuen Tsang be identical with Mahendraditya or Kumara 
I, Budha Gupta was a son of Kumara. Another son of 
the latter was apparently Ghatotkacha Gupta (cf. the 

1 The name Fo-to-kio-to has been restored as Buddha Oupta. But we have no 
independent evidenoe regarding tho existence of a kinfj uamod Buddha (Jupta. The 
synchronism of his successor's successor BSlsditya with Mihirakula indicates that 
the king meant was Budha (iupta. 


Tumain Inscription referred to by Mr. Garde ; also the 
Basarh seal mentioning Sri Ghatotkacha Gupta). 

Skanda Gupta VikramZiditrju. 

In an interesting paper read before the members of 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Dr. Majumdar suggested 
that after Kumara's death there was a fratricidal struggle 
in which Skanda Gupta came off victorious after defeat- 
ing his brothers including Pura Gupta the rightful 
claimant, and rescued his mother just as Krishna rescued 
Devaki (cf. the Bhitarl Inscription). Dr. Majumdar says 
that the omission of the name of the mother of Skanda 
Gupta in the Bihar Stone Pillar and Bhitarl Inscriptions 
indicates that she was not a Mahadevi, and Skanda was 
not the rightful heir. The rightful heir of Kumara was 
Pura Gupta, the son of the Mahadevi Anantade\ i. 

We should however remember that there was no rule 

prohibiting the mention of non-Mahadevis in inscriptions. 

The mother of Prabhavatl, Kuberanaga, was not Chandra 

Gupta Il's Mahadevi. Nevertheless she is mentioned 

in the inscriptions of her daughter. On the other hand 

the names of queens, the mothers of kings, were sometimes 

omitted. 1 In the genealogical portion of the Bansklier.i 

and Madhuban plates the name of Yas'omati as lfar.»-//<>\s 

mother is not mentioned, but in the Sonpat seal she is 

mentioned both as the mother of Bajyavardhana and as 

the mother of Harsha. The Pala Inscriptions mention 

Lajja the queen of Vigraha Pala I and mother of NaiS 

yana Pala, but do not mention the queen of Na ray ana 

Pala who was the mother of Bajya Pala. They auain 

mention Bhagyadevi the queen of Rajya Pala and 

mother of G opal a II. In the Ban,agarh Inscription 

» The name of the father of a reigning king was also sometimes omitted (cf. 
Kielhorn's N. Ins. Nos. 464, 468). 


of Mahl Pala I we have a reference to his great- 
grand-mother Bhagyadevi, but no mention of his own 
mother. The omission of the name of Skanda's mother 
from inscriptions is, at best, an arg amentum ex silent to which 
can only be accepted if it can be proved that the mention 
of the name of a Mahadevt was compulsory and that the 
mention of the name of an ordinary queen was prohibited. 
The case of Kuberanaga shows that there was no rule 
prohibiting the mention of an ordinary wife of a Gupta 

As to the question of rightful claim to the succession, 
we should remember that the cases of Samudra Gupta 
and Chandra Gupta II suggest that the ablest among the 
princes was chosen irrespective of any claim arising out 
of birth. 

There is nothing to show that the struggle at the 
end of Kumara's reign, referred to in the Bhitarl inscrip- 
tion, Mas a fratricidal struggle. The relevant text of the 
inscription runs thus : — 

Pitari divam upete viplutarh vams'a-lakshmirh 
bhuja-bala-vijit-arir-yyah pratishthapya bhuyah 
jitam-iti paritoshan- mataram sasra-nettrarh 
hata-ripur-iva Krishno Devaktm-abhyupetah. 

The enemies (ari) who made the Vamsa-lakshmi of 
Skanda Gupta " vipluta " after the death of his father 
were apparently enemies of the Gupta family, i.e., out- 
siders not belonging to the Gupta lineage. As a matter 
of fact the enemies expressly mentioned in the Bhitarl 
inscription were outsiders, e.g., the Pushyamitras and the 
Hunas. 'J here is not the slightest reference to a fratri- 
cidal war. There is no doubt a passage in the Junagadh- 
inscript ion of Skanda which says that " the goddess of 
fortune and splendour of her own accord selected (Skanda) 


as her husband having discarded all the other sons 

of kings." But it does not necessarily imply that there 
was a struggle between the sons of Kumara in which 
Skanda came off victorious. It only means that among 
the princes he was considered to be best fitted to rule. 
In the Allahabad prasasti we have a similar passage 
"who (Samudra Gupta) being looked at with <mvy by the 
faces, melancholy through the rejection of themselves, 

of others of equal birth was bidden by his father, — 

who, exclaiming * verily he is worthy' embraced him — 
to govern of a surety the whole world. H It may be 
argued that there is no proof that Skanda was selected by 
Kumara. On the contrary he is said to have been 
selected by Lakshmt of her own accord. This is not 
surprising in view of the fact that the empire was made 
to totter at the close of Kumara's reign, and Skanda 
owed its restoration to his own prowess. The important 
thing to remember is that the avowed enemies of Skanda 
Gupta mentioned in his inscriptions were outsiders like 
the Pushyamitras, Hunas (Bhitari Ins.) and Mlechchhas 
(Junagadh Ins.). The Manujendra-putras of the Junagadh 
inscription are mentioned only as disappointed princes, not 
as defeated enemies, like the brothers of Simudra Gupta 
who were discarded by Chandra Gupta I. We are there- 
fore inclined to think that as the tottering Gupta empire 
was saved from its enemies (e.g., the Pushyamitras) by 
Skanda Gupta it was he who was considered to be best fitted 
to rule. There is no evidence that his brothers disputed 
his claim and actually fought for the crown. There is 
nothing to show that Skanda shed his brothers' blood and 
that the epithet "amalatma" applied to him in the Bhitari 
inscription was unjustified. 

Skanda Gupta assumed the titles of Kramaditya and 
Vikramaditya. From the evidence of coins and inscrip- 
tions we know that he ruled from A.I). !••">•"» t<> M>7. 


The first achievement of Skanda was the restoration 
of the Gupta Empire. From an inscriptional passage we 
learn that while preparing to restore the fallen fortunes 
of his family he was reduced to such straits that he had 
to spend a night sleeping on the bare earth. Line twelve 
of the Bhitari inscription tells us that when Kumara 
Gupta I had attained the skies, Skanda conquered his 
enemies by the strength of his arms. From the context 
it seems that these enemies were the Pushyamitras " who 
had developed great power and wealth." 

The struggle with the Pushyamitras was followed by a 
terrible conflict with the Hunas in which the emperor was 
presumably victorious. The invasion of the Hunas took 
place not later than A.D. 458 if we identify them with 
the Mlechchhas of the Junagadh inscription. The 
memory of the victory over the Mlechchhas is preserved 
in the story of king Vikramaditya son of Mahendraditya 
of Ujjain in Somadeva's Kathasaritsagara (Allan, Gupta 
Coins, Introduction). Surashtra seems to have been the 
vulnerable part of the Gupta empire. The Junagadh in- 
scription tells us " he (Skanda) deliberated for days and 
nights before making up his mind who could be trusted 
with the important task of guarding the lands of the 
Surashtras." Allan deduces from this and from the words 
" Sarveshu des'eshuvidhaya goptrin " that the emperor was 
at particular pains to appoint a series of Wardens of the 
Marches to protect his dominions from future invasion. 
One of these Wardens was Parnadatta, governor of 
Surashtra. Inspite of all his efforts Skanda Gupta could 
not save the westernmost part of his empire from future 
troubles. During his lifetime he, no doubt, retained his 
hold over Surashtra. But his successors do not appear 
to have been so fortunate. Not a single inscription has 
yet been discovered which shows that Surashtra formed a 
part of the Gupta empire after the death of Skanda Gupta. 


The later years of Skanda seem to have been tranquil 
{cf. the Kahaum Ins.). The emperor was helped in the 
work of administration by a number of able governors like 
Parnadatta viceroy of the west, Sarvanaga Vishayapati 
of Antaravedi or the Doab, and Bhimavarman the ruler 
of the Kosam region. Chakrapalita, son of Parnadatta, 
restored in A.D. 457-S the embankment forming the 
lake Sudarsana which had burst two years previously. 
The emperor continued the tolerant policy of his fore- 
fathers. Himself a Vaishnava, he and his officers did not 
discourage other faiths, e.g., Jainism and solar worship. 
The people were also tolerant. The Kahaum inscription 
commemorates the erection of Jaina images by a person 
"full of affection for Brahmanas." The Indore plate 
records a deed by a Brahmana endowing a lamp in a 
temple of the Sun. 

III. The Later Guptas. 

It is now admitted by all scholars that the reign of 
Skanda Gupta ended about A.D. 467.' When he passed 
away the empire did not wholly perish. "We have 
epigraphic as well as literary evidence of the continuance 
of tbe Gupta empire in the latter half of the fifth as well 
as the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. The Damodara- 
pur plates, Sarnath inscriptions and the Eran epigraph 
of Budha Gupta prove that from A.D. 477 to 496 the 
Gupta empire extended from Bengal to Malwa. The 
Betul plates of the Parivrajaka Maharaja Samkshobha 
dated in the year 199 G. E. (Srtmati pravarddhamfi- 
navijayarajye samvatsaras'ate navanavatyuttare Gupta 
nripa rajyabhuktau), i.e., 518 A. D., testify to the 
fact that the Gupta sway at this period Mas acknow- 
ledged in Dabhala, which included the Tripurt Visliava 

1 Smith, Iho Oxford History of Iudia, additions and corrections, p. 171, end. 


(Jabbalpur region). 1 Another inscription of SamkshObha 
found in the valley near the village of Khdh in Baghel- 
klmnd dated in A.D. 528 proves that the Gupta empire 
included the Central Provinces even in A. D. 528. 2 
Tive years later the grant of a village in the Kotivarsha 
Vishaya of Pundravardhanabhukti " during the reign of 
Paramadaivata Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Sri 

Gupta," 3 shows that the Gupta empire at this 

period included the eastern as well as the central provinces. 
Towards the close of the sixth century a Gupta king, a 
contemporary of Prabhakaravardhana of the Pushpabhuti 
family of Srikantha (Thanesar), was ruling in Malava.* 
Two sons of this king, Kumara Gupta and Madhava Gupta 
were appointed to wait upon the princes Rajyavardhana 
and Harshaof Thanesar. From the Aphshad inscription of 
Aditvasena we learn that the fame of the father of Madha- 
va Gupta, the associate of Harsha, marked with honour of 
victory in war over Susthitavarman, king of Kamarupa, 
was constantly sung on the banks of the river Lohitya or 
Brahmaputra. This indicates that even in A.D. 600 
(the time of Prabhakaravardhana) the sway of the Gupta 
dynasty extended from Malava to the Brahmaputra. 

In the first half of the seventh century the Gupta 
power was no doubt overshadowed by that of Harsha. But 
after the death of the great Kanauj monarch, the Gupta 
empire was revived by Adityasena, son of Madhava Gupta, 
who " ruled the whole earth up to the shores of the oceans," 
performed the Asvamedha and other great sacrifices and 
assumed the titles of Paramabhattaraka and Maharaja- 

» Ep. Ind., VIII, pp. 284-87. 

s Fleet, C.I.I, III, pp. 113-16. 
i:,.. Ind., XV, p. 113 ff. 

♦ Malava seems to have been under the direct rnle of tho Guptas in the sixth and 
seventh centuries. Magadha was administered by the viceregal family of Varmam* 
(c/. Nftgarjuni Hill gave Ins., CI 1, 226; also Purnararmun mentioned by Uiaeu Tsaug). 



We shall now proceed to give an account of Skanda 
Gupta's successors. The immediate successor of Skanda 
Gupta seems to have been his brother Pura Gupta. The 
existence of this king was unknown till the discovery of 
the Bhitarl seal of Kumara Gupta II in 1889, and its 
publication by Smith and Hoernle (JASB, 1889, pp. 
84-105). This seal describes Pura Gupta as the son of 
Kumara I by the queen Anantadevi, and does not mention 
Skanda Gupta. The mention of Pura Gupta immediately 
after Kumara with the prefix Tatpadanudhyata does not 
necessarily prove that Pura Gupta was the immediate suc- 
cessor of his father, and a contemporary and rival of his 
brother or half-brother Skanda Gupta. 1 In the Manahali 
grant Madanapala is described as Sri Ramapala Deva 
Padanudhyata, although he was preceded by his elder 
brother Kumarapala. In Kielhorn's Northern Inscriptions, 
No. 39, Vijayapala is described as the successor of Kshiti- 
pala, although he was preceded by his brother Devapala 
(Ins. No. 31). Dr. Smith has shown that Skanda ruled over 
the whole empire including the eastern and the central as 
well as the western provinces. There was no room for a 
rival Maharajadhiraja in Northern India during his reign. 
He was a man of mature years at the time of his death 
cir. A.D. 467. His brother and successor Pura Gupta, 
too, must have been an old man at that time. It is, there- 
fore, not at all surprising that he had a very short reign 

1 The omission of Skanda's name in the Bhitari seal of his brother's grandson 
does not necessarily show that the relations between him and Pura's family were 
unfriendly. The name of Pnlakesin II is omitted in an inscription of his brother and 
Regent Vishnnvardhana. The name of Bhoja II of the Imperial Pratihara dynasty is 
not mentioned in the Partabgarh inscription of his nephew MahendrapAla II, bnt it is 
mentioned in an inscription of his brother Vinayakapftla, the father of MahendrapAla. 
Besides, there was no custom prohibiting the mention of the name of a rival un.lo or 
brother. Mangalesa and Govinda II are mentioned in the inscriptions of their rivals 
and their descendants. On the other hand oven an ancestor of a reigning king wag 
sometimes omitted, e.g., Rndrasena II is omitted in one Ajantft inscription. Dhara- 
pa^a is omitted in his son's inscription (Kielhorn, ft. Ins. Xo. 4C4), 


and died sometime before A.D. 473 when his grandson 
Kumara Gupta IT was ruling. Pura Gupta's queen was 
&ri Vatsadevi, the mother of Narasimha Gupta Baladitya. 

The coins of Pura Gupta have the reverse legend Srt 
\ ikramah. Allan identifies him with king Vikramaditya 
of Ayodhya, father of Baladitya, who was a patron of 
Buddhism through the influence of Vasubandhu. The 
importance of this identification lies in the fact that it 
proves that the immediate successors of Skanda Gupta 
had a capital at Ayodhya probably till the rise of the 
Maukharis. If the spurious Gaya plate is to be believed 
Ayodhya was the seat of a Gupta Jayaskandhavara as 
early as the time of Samudra Gupta. 

The principal capital of Baladitya and his successors 
appears to have been Kasi (CII, 2S5). The evidence of 
the Bharsar hoard seems to suggest that a king styled 
Prakasaditya came shortly after Skanda Gupta. Praka- 
saditya may have been a biruda of Pura Gupta Sri 
Yikrama, or of his grandson Kumara Kramaditya, 
preferably the latter as the letters Ku seem to occur on 
Prakasaditya's coins. That the same king might have two 
" Aditya " names is proved by the cases of Skanda Gupta 
(Vikramaditya and Kramaditya) and &iladitya Dharma- 
ditya of Valabhi. 

Pura Gupta was succeeded by his son Narasimha 
Gupta Baladitya. This king has been identified with king 
Baladitya who is represented by Hiuen Tsang as having 
overthrown the tyrant Mihirakula. It has been over- 
looked that Hiuen Tsang's Baladitya was the immediate 
successor of Tathjigata Gupta 1 who was himself the imme- 
diate successor of Budha Gupta 2 whereas Narasimha Gupta 

1 8i-yu-ki, II, p. 168 : Life of Hiuen Tsang, p. 111. 

* Fo-to-kio-to. Beal, Fleet and Watters render the term by Buddha Gupta, a 
name unknown to Indian epigraphy. The synchronism of his grandson Baladitya 
with Mihirakula proves that Budha Gupta i'r meant. 


Baladitya was the son and successor of Pura Gupta who 
in his turn was the son of Kumara Gupta I and the 
successor of Skanda Gupta. The son and successor of 
Hiuen Tsang's Baladitya was Yajra (Yuan Chwang, II, 
p. 165) while the son and successor of Narasiriiha was 
Kumara Gupta II. It is obvious that the conqueror of 
Mihirakula was not the son of Pura Gupta but an al- 
together different individual. The existence of several 
kings of the Madhyadesa having the Biruda H 
proved by the Sarnath Inscription of Prakataditya (C.I. I., 
p. 285). Narasiriiha Gupta must have died in or about 
the year A.D. 473. He was succeeded by his son Kumara 
Gupta II Kramaditya by queen Mahalakshmidevl. 

Kumara Gupta II has been identified with the king 
of that name mentioned in the Sarnath Buddhist Im 
inscription of the year 154 G.E.,i.£., A.D. 473-74. Messrs. 
Bhattasali and R. G. Basak think that the two Kumara 
Guptas were not identical. The former places Kumara son 
of Narasiriiha long after A.D. 500 ; (Dacca Review, May 
and June, 1920, pp. 54-57). But his theory is based upon 
the wrong identification of Narasimha with the conqueror 
of Mihirakula. According to Mr. Basak Kumara of the 
Sarnath inscription was the immediate successor of 
Skanda. In his opinion there were two rival Gupta 
lines ruling simultaneously, one consisting of Skanda, 
Kumara of Sarnath and Budha, the other consisting of 
Pura, Narasiriiha and his son Kumara of the Bhitarl 
seal. But there is not the slightest evidence of the 
disruption of the Gupta empire in the latter half of the 
fifth century A.D. On the contrary inscriptions prove 
that both Skanda and Budha ruled over the whole 
empire from Bengal to Western India. There is thus 
no cogent reason for doubting the identity of Kumara 
of the Bhitarl seal with his namesake of- the Sarnat li 


Kumara IPs reign must have terminated in or about 
the year A.D. 476-77, the first known date of Budha 
Gupta. The reigns of Pura, Narasimha and Kumara II 
appear to be abnormally short, amounting together to 
only ten years (A.D. 467-77). This is by no means a 
unique case. In Vengi three Eastern ChalukyaMonarchs, 
viz., Vijayaditya IV, his son Ammaraja I, and Ammaraja's 
son, another Vijayaditya, ruled only for seven years and 
six and a half months (Hultzsch, S.I. I., Vol. I, p. 46). 
In Kas'mira five kings Suravarman I, Partha, Samkara- 
vardhana, Unmattavanti and Suravarman IT, ruled within 
six years (A.D. 933-939) ; and three generations of kings, 
viz., Yasaskara, his uncle Varuata, and his son Samgra- 
madeva ruled for ten years (A.D. 939-949". 

For Budha Gupta, the successor of Kumara II, we 
have a number of dated inscriptions and coins which 
prove that he ruled for about twenty years (A.D. 477-96). 
We learn from Hiuen Tsang that he was a son of 
Sakraditya. The only predecessor of Budha Gupta who 
had that title was Kumara Gupta I Mahendraditya 
(Mahendra=£akra). It seems probable that Budha was 
the youngest son of Kumara I, and consequently a brother 
or half-brother of Skanda and Pura. Fleet correctly 
points out that the name of Sakraditya's son as given by 
Hiuen Tsang is Fo-to-kio-to, i.e., Buddha Gupta and not 
Budha Gupta. Similarly Watters points out that Punna- 
fa-tan-na of the pilgrim is equivalent to Punyavardhana 
and not Pundravardhana. But just as there is no 
proof of the existence of a place called Punyavardhana 
apart from the well-known Pundravardhana, so there is no 
proof of the existence of a Gupta king name Buddha apart 
from the well-known Budha Gupta. The synchronism 
of Fo-to-kio-to's grandson Baladitya with Mihirakula 
proves that Budha Gupta is meant. If Fo-to-kio-to is 
identified with Budha Gupta, and his father Sakraditya 


with Mahendraditya Kumara Gupta I), we understand 
why Fa Hien, who visited India in the time of Chandra 
Gupta II, father of Kumara Gupta I Mahendraditya, is 
silent about the buildings at Nalanda constructed by 
&akraditya and Budha Gupta about which Iliuen Tsang 
(7th century A.D.) speaks so much. 

Two copper-plate inscriptions discovered in the village 
of Damodarpur in the district of Dinajpur testify to the 
fact that Budha Gupta's empire included Pundravardhana- 
bhukti (North Bengal) which was governed by his viceroys 
(Uparika Maharaja) Brahmadatta and Jayadatta. The 
Sarnath inscription of A.D. 476-77 proves his possession 
of the Kasi country. In A.D. 481-8") the erection of a 
Dhvajastambha by the Maharaja Matrivishnu, ruler of 
Eran, and his brother Dhanyavishnu while Budha Gupta 
was reigning, and Suras'michandra was governing the 
land between the Kalindi and the Narmada, indicates 
that Budha Gupta's dominions included Central India as 
well as Kasi and Bengal. The coins of this emperor are 
dated in the year A.D. 495-6. They continue the types 
of the Gupta silver coinage ; their legend is the claim 
to be lord of the earth and to have won heaven, — found 
on the coins of Kumara I, and Skanda. 

According to Hiuen Tsang Budha Gupta was succeeded 
by Tathagata Gupta, after whom Bablditya succeeded 
to the empire (Beal, Si-vu-ki, II, p. 168 ; the Life, 
p. 111). At this period the supremacy of the Guptas 
in Central India was challenged by the Hun king Tura- 
nian*. We have seen that in A.D. 484-85 a Maharaja 
named Matrivishnu ruled in the Arikina Vishaya (Eran) 
as a vassal of the emperor Budha Gupta, but after his 
death his younger brother Dhanyavishnu acknowledged 
the supremacy of Toramftna. The success of the Hunt 
in Central India was however short-lived. In 510-11 
we find a general name Goparaja fighting by the side of 

Ml ANU, GUPTA 301 

a Gupta king at Eran and king Hastin of the neighbour- 
ing province of Dabhala acknowledging the sovereignty 
of the Guptas. In 518 the suzerainty of the Guptas is 
acknowledged in the Tripurivishaya. In the year 528- 
29 the Gupta sway was still acknowledged by the 
Pari v raj aka Maharaja of Dabhala. The Parivrajakas 
Hastin and Samkshobha seem to have been the bulwarks 
of the Gupta empire in the Central Provinces. The 
Harsha Charita of Bana recognises the possession of 
Malava by the Guptas as late as the time of Prabhakara- 
vardhana (A.D. 600). There can be no doubt that the 
expulsion of the Huns from Central India was final. 
The recovery of the Central Provinces was probably 
effected by Baladitya who is represented by Hiuen Tsang 
as having overthrown Mihirakula, the son and successor of 
Toramana, and left him the ruler of a " small kingdom in 
the|north " (Si-yu-ki, I, p. 171). It is not improbable that 
Baladitya was a Birudaoi the " glorious Bhanu Gupta, the 
bravest man on the earth, a mighty king, equal to Partha " 
along with whom Goparaja went to Eran and having fought 
a " very famous battle " died shortly before A.D. 510-11. 

Mihirakula was finally subjugated by the Janendra 
Yas'odharman of Mandasor shortly before A.D. 533. Line 
6 of the Mandasor Stone Pillar inscription (C.I. I., pp. 116- 
147 ; Jayaswal, The Historical Position of Kalki, p. 9) 
leaves the impression that in the time of Yas'odharman 
Mihirakula was the king of a Himalayan country (" small 
kingdom in the north "), i.e., Kasmir and that neighbour- 
hood, who was compelled " to ]?ay respect to the two feet " 
of the victorious Janendra probably when the latter 
carried his arms to " the mountain of snow the table lands 
of whioh are embraced by the Ganga." 

Yas'odharman claims to have extended his sway as far 
as the Lauhitya or Brahmaputra in the east. It is not 
improbable that he defeated and killed Vajra the son and 


successor of Baladitya, and extinguished the viceregal 
family of the Dattas of Pundravardhana. Hiuen Tsang 
mentions a king of Central India as the successor of Vajra. 
The Dattas who governed Pundravardhana from the time 
of Kumara Gupta I disappear about this time. But 
Yas'odharman's success must have been short-lived, because 
in A.D. 533-31, the very year of the Mandasor inscription 
which mentions the Janendra Yas'odharman as victorious, 
the son and viceroy of a Gupta Paramabhattaraka 
Maharajadhiraja Prithivipati, and not any official of the 
Central Indian Janendra, was governing the Pundra- 
vardhana-bhukti, a province which lay between the Indian 
interior and the Lauhitva. 

The name of the Gupta emperor in the Damodarpur 
plate of A.D. 533-34 is unfortunately lost. The Aphsad 
inscription however discloses the names of a number of 
Gupta kings the fourth of whom Kumara Gupta (III) 
was a contemporary of Is'anavarman Maukhari who is 
known from the Haraha inscription to have been ruling 
in A.D. 554 (H. Sastri, Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 110 ff). The 
three predecessors of Kumara Gupta III, viz., Krishna, 
Harsha and Jtvita should probably be placed in the period 
between A.D. 510, the date of Bhanu Gupta, and 554 the 
date of Kumara. It is probable that one of these kings 
is identical with the Gupta emperor mentioned in the 
Damodarpur plate of 533-34. The absence of high- 
sounding titles like Maharajadhiraja or Paramabhattaraka 
in the slokas of the Aphsad inscription does not necessarily 
prove that the Kings mentioned there were petty chiefs. 
No such titles are attached to the name of Kumara I in 
the MandasOr inscription, or to the name of Budha in the 
Eran inscription. On the other hand the queen of 
Madhava Gupta, one of the kings mentioneu in the Aphsad 
inscription, is called Paramabhattarika and Mahadevi in 
the Deu Baranark epigraph. 


Regarding Krishna Gupta we know very little. The 
Aphsad inscription describes him as a hero whose arm played 
the part of a lion, in bruising the foreheads of the array 
of the rutting elephants of (his) haughty enemy (driptarati) 
(and) in being victorious by (its) prowess over countless 
foes. The driptarati against whom he had to fight may 
have been Yas'odharman. The next king Harsha had to 
engage in terrible contests with those who were "averse 
to the abode of the goddess of fortune being with (him, her) 
own lord." There were wounds from many weapons on 
his chest. The names of the enemies who tried to deprive 
him of his rightful possessions are not given. Harsha's son, 
Jivita Gupta T probably succeeded in re-establishing the 
power of his family, "i be very terrible scorching fever 
(of fear) left not (his) haughty foes, even though they stood 
on seaside shores that were cool with the flowing and 
ebbing currents of water, (and) were covered with the 
branches of plantain-trees severed by the trunks of 
elephants roaming through the lofty groves of palmyra 
palms ; (or) even though they stood on (that) moun- 
tain (Himalaya) which is cold with the water of the rushing 
and waving torrents full of snow." The " haughty foes " 
on seaside shores were probably the Gaud as who had 
already launched into a career of conquest about this time 
and who are described as living on the sea shore 
(samudras'raya) in the Haraba inscription of A.D. 554 
(Ep. Ind., XIV, p. UOet seq.). 

The next king, Kumara Gupta III, had to encounter 
a sea of troubles. The Gaudas were issuing from their 
" proper realm " which was western Bengal as it bordered 
on the sea and included Karnasuvarna (M. Chakravarti, 
J.A S.B., 1908, p. 274) and Kadhapur! (Prabodhachandro- 
daya, Act II). The lord of the Andhras who had 
thousands of three-fold rutting elephants, and the $ulikas 
who had an army of countless galloping horses, were 


powers to be reckoned with. The Andlira king was 
probably Madhavavarman II of the Vishnukundin family 
who " crossed the river Godavari with the desire to 
conquer the eastern region (Dubreuil, A.H.D., p. 92). The 
Sulikas were probably the Chalukyas. 1 In the Mahakufa 
pillar inscription the name-appears as Chaliky a. In the 
Gujarat records we find the forms Solaki and Solan ki. 
SuTika may be another dialectic variant. The Mali ikul a 
pillar inscription tells us that in the sixth century A.I). 
Kirtivarman I of the Chalikya dynasty gained victories 
over the kings of Vanga, Anga, Magadha, etc. 

A new power was rising in the upper Ganges valley 
which was destined to engage in a deatli grapple 
with the Guptas for the mastery of northern India. 
This was the Mukhara or Maukhari 2 power. The 
Maukharis claimed descent from the hundred s >na 
whom king As'vapati got from Vaivasvata, /.'*., Yama. 
The family consisted of two distinct groups. The stone 
inscriptions of one group have been discovered in the 
Jaunpur and Bfirfi Bank! districts of the United Provinces, 
while the stone inscriptions of the other group hive been 
discovered in the Gaya district of Bihar. The Maukharis 
of Gaya namely Yajnavarman, &irdulavarman and 
Anantavarman were a feudatory family. Sard u la La ex- 
pressly called siimanta-chudamani in the Harfibar Hill Cave 
Inscription of his son (C.I. I., p. 223). The Maukharis of 
the United Provinces were also probably feudatories at first. 
The earliest princes of this family, /■/'; , llariv ninan, 
Adityavarman, and Isvaravarman were simply Maharajas.\ arm in's wife was Marsha Gupta, probably a Bister 
of king Harsha Gupta. The wife of his son and successor 

1 In the Brihat Sariihita XIV. 8 the Satilikaa are associateil with Vidarhha. 

* The family was called both Mukhara unci Mnukhnri. " Soma SfiryavamsaTi'va 
Pushpabhuti Mukhara Vainsau," " Sakalabhuvana namnskrito Maukhari Vatuaah " 
(Uarshacharita Parab's ed., pp. 141, 146. Cf. also C.I.I . p. H 


Isvaravarman was also probably a Gupta princess named 
Upa-Gupta. In the Haraha inscription Xsanavarman, son 
of Is' vara var man and Upa Gupta, claims victories over 
the Andhras, the Sulikas and the Gaudas and is the first 
to assume the Imperial title of Maharajadhiraja. It 
was this which probably brought him into conflict with 
king Kumara Gupta III. Thus began a duel between 
the Maukharis aud the Guptas which ended only when 
the latter with the help of the Gaudas wiped out the 
Maukhari power in the time of Grahavarman, brother-in- 
law of Harshavardhana. 

We have seen that Isanavarman's mother and gr awl- 
mother were Gupta princesses. The mother of Prabhakara- 
vardhana, the other empire-builder of the second half of 
the sixth century, was also a Gupta princess. It seems 
that the Gupta marriages in this period were as efficacious 
in stimulating imperial ambition as the Lichchhavi mar- 
riages of more ancient times. 

Kumara Gupta III claims to have "churned that 
formidable milk-ocean, the cause of the attainment 
of fortune, which was the army of the glorious 
Isanavarman, a very moon among kings (Aphsad Ins.)." 
This was not an empty boast, for the Maukhari records 
do not claim any victory over the Guptas. Kumara 
Gupta Ill's funeral rites took place at Prayaga which 
probably formed a part of his dominions. 

The son and successor of this king was Damodara 
Gupca. He continued the struggle with the Maukharis 1 
and fell fighting against them. " Breaking up the 

1 The Maukhari opponent of Damodara Gnpta was either Suryavarman or Sarva- 
varman (both being sons of Isanavarman). A Siiryavarman is described in the 
Sirpur stone inscription of MahflSiva Gupta as " born in the unblemished family of 
the Varmans great on account of their Adhipatyu (supremacy) over Magadhn." If 
this Siiryavarman be identical with Slryavarman the son of Isanavarman then it 
is certain that for a time the supremacy of Ma^adha passed from tho hands of the 
Guptas to that of the Mnukhnris. 


proudly-stepping array of mighty elephants, belonging to 
the Maukhari, which had thrown aloft in battle the troops 
of [the Hunas (in order to trample them to death), he 
became unconscious (and expired in the fight)." 

Damodara Gupta was succeeded by his son Mahasena 
Gupta. He is probably the king of Malava mentioned in 
the Harshacharita whose sons Kumara Gupta and Madhava 
Gupta were appointed to wait upon Rajyavardhana 
and Harshavardhana by their father king Prablmkara- 
vardhana of the Pushpabhuti family of drikaiitha 
(Thanesar). The intimate relations between the family 
of Mahasena Gupta and that of Prabhakaravardhana 
is proved by the Madhuban grant and the Sonpat copper 
seal inscription of Harsha which represent Mahasena 
Gupta Devi as the mother of Prabhakara, and the 
Aphsad inscription of Adityasena which alludes to the 
association of Madhava Gupta, son of Mahasena Gupta 
with Harsha. 

The Pushpabhuti alliance of Mahasena Gupta was 
probably due to his fear of the rising power of the 
Maukharis. The policy was eminently successful, and 
during his reign we do not hear of any struggle with that 
family. But a new danger threatened from the east. A 
strong monarchy was at this time established in Kama- 
rupa by a line of princes who claimed descent from 
Bhagadatta. King Susthitavarman (see the Nidhanapur 
plates) of this family came into conflict with Mahasena 
Gupta and was defeated. " The mighty fame of Mahasena 
Gupta," says the Aphsad inscription, "marked with 
honour of victory in war over the illustrious Susthitavar- 
nian, is still constantly sung on the banks of the river 


Between Mahasena Gupta, the contemporary of Pra- 
bhakaravardhana, and his youngest BOO Madhava Gupta, 
the contemporary of Harsha, we have to place a king 


named Deva Gupta II ' who is mentioned by name in the 
Madlmban and Banskhera inscriptions of Harsha as the 
most prominent among the kings " who resembled wicked 
horses " who were all subdued by Rajyavardhana. As the 
Gupta princes are uniformly connected with Malava in the 
Harshacharita there can be no doubt that the wicked Deva 
Gupta is identical with the wicked Lord of Malava who 
cut off Grahavarman Maukhari, and who was himself 
defeated M with ridiculous ease " by Rajyavardhana. It is 
difficult to determine the position of Deva Gupta in the 
dynastic list of the Guptas. He may have been the eldest 
son of Mahasena Gupta, and an elder brother of Kumara 
Gupta and Madhava Gupta. His name is omitted in the 
Aphsad list, just as the name of Skanda Gupta is omitted 
in the Bhitari list. 

Shortly before his death king Prabhakaravardhana had 
given his daughter Rajyasri in marriage to Grahavarman 
the eldest son of the Maukhari king Avantivarman. The 
alliance of the Pushpabhutis with the sworn enemies of his 
family must have alienated Deva Gupta who formed a 
counter-alliance with the Gaudas whose hostility towards 
the Maukharis dated from the reign of Isanavarman. The 
Gupta king and the Gauda king Sasaiika made a joint 
attack on the Maukhari kingdom. " Grahavarman was 
by the wicked lord of Malava cut off from the living along 
with his noble deeds. Rajyas'ri also, the princess, was con- 
fined like a brigand's wife with a pair of iron fetters 
kissing her feet and cast into prison at Kanyakubja." 
" The villain, deeming the army leaderless purposes to 
invade and seize this country as well " (Harshacharita). 
Rajyavardhana, though he routed the Malava army "with 
ridiculous ease," was " allured to confidence by false civi- 
lities on the part of the king of Gauda, and then 

1 The Emperor Chandra Gnpta II was Deva Gupta I. 


weaponless, confiding and alone despatched in his own 

To meet the formidable league between the Gupi u 
and the Gaudas, Harsha, the successor of Rajyavardhana, 
concluded an alliance with Bhaskaravarman, king of 
Kamarupa, whose father Susthitavarman had fought 
against the predecessor of Deva Gupta. This alliance was 
disastrous for the Gaudas :vs we know from the Nidhanapur 
plate of Bhaskara. At the time of the issuing of the 
plate Bhaskara varman was in possession of Karnasuvarna, 
the capital of the Gauda king dasiinka. The Gauda people, 
however, did not tamely acquiesce in the loss of their 
independence. They became a thorn in the side of Kanauj 
and Kamarupa, and their hostility towards those two 
powers was inherited by the Pala and Sena successor 

During the long reign of Harsha, Madhava Gupta, tin- 
successor of Deva Gupta, remained a subordinate ally of 
Kanauj. After Harsha's death the Gupta empire was 
revived by Adityasena, a prince of remarkable vigour and 
ability who found his opportunity iu the commotion which 
followed the usurpation of Harsha's throne by Arjuna. 
For this king we have a number of inscriptions which 
prove that he ruled over a wide territory extending to the 
shores of the oceans. The Aphsad, Shahpur, and Mandar 
inscriptions recognise his undisputed possession of south 
and east Bihar. Another inscription, noticed by Fleet 
(C.I. I., p. 213 n.) describes him as the ruler of the whole 
earth up to the shores of the oceans, and the performer of 
the As'vamedha and the other great sacrifices. The Ue5- 
Baranark inscription refers to the Javaskandhavara of his 
great-grandson Jlvita Gupta II at Gomatikottaka. This 
clearly suggests that the Later Guptas dominated the 
Gomatl valley in the Madhyadesa. The Mandara inscrip- 
tion applies to Adityasena the titles of Paramabhattaraka 


and Mahamjfulhiraja. We learn from the Shahpur stone 
image inscription that he was ruling in the year A.D. 
672-73. It is not improbable that he or his son Deva 
Gupta III is the Sakalottarapathanatha who was defeated 
by the Chalukya kings Vinayaditya (A.D. 080-696) and 
Vijayaditya (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, pp. 189, 368, 371 ; 
Kendur plates). 

We learn from the Deo-Baranark inscription that 
Adityasena was succeeded by his son Deva Gupta (III) 
who in his turn was succeeded by his son Vishnu Gupta 
who is probably identical with Vishnu Gupta Chandriiditya 
of the coins (Allan, Gupta Coins, p. 145). The last king 
was Jivita Gupta II, son of Vishnu. All these kings con- 
tinued to assume imperial titles. That these were not 
empty forms appears from the records of the Western 
Chalukyas of Vatapi which testify to the existence of a 
Pan-North Indian empire in the last quarter of the seventh 
century A.D. The only North Indian sovereigns (Uttarft- 
pathanath a,) who laid claim to the imperial dignity during 
this period, and actually dominated Magadha and the 
Madhyadesa as is proved by Aphsad and Deo- Bararurk 
inscriptions, were Adityasena and his successors. 

The Gupta empire was probably finally destroyed by 
the Gaudas who could never forgive Madhava Gupta's 
desertion of their cause. In the time of Yasovarman of 
Kanauj, i.e. t in the first half of the eighth century A.D., 
a Gauda king occupied the throne of Magadha (cf. the 
Gaudavaho by Vakpatiraja). 

Petty Gupta dynasties, apparency connected with the 
imperial line, ruled in the Kanarese districts during the 
twelfth and the thirteenth centuries A.D., and are fre- 
quently mentioned in inscriptions. Evidence of an earlier 
connection of the Guptas with the Kanarese country is 
furnished by the Talagund inscription which says that 
Kakusthavarman of the Kadamba dynasty gave his 


(laughters in marriage to the Guptas and other kings. 
In the sixth century A.D. the Vakataka king Harishena, 
a descendant of Chandra Gupta II Vikramaditya through 
his daughter Prahhavatl Gupta, is said to have effected 
conquests in Kuntala, i.e M the Kanarese country. 1 
Curiously enough the Gutta or Gupta chiefs of the 
Kanarese country claimed descent from Chandra Gupta 
Vikramaditya, 2 lord of Ujjayini. 3 

1 Jouveau-Dnbreuil, A.H.D., p. 76. 

* Bomb. Gaz.. Vol. I, Part IF, pp. 578-80. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar " A P«ep into 
the Early History of India," p. 00. I owe this reference to prof. Bhandarkar. 
3 The account of the Later Guptas was first published in the J.A.S.U., 1 I 


Page ii, 1. 7. — P\)r some spurious plates of Janamejaya, see Ep. 
Ind., VII, App., pp. 162-163. 

Page iii, 1. 18. — The present Kamayana (VI. 69,35) apparently refers 
to the Puranic episode of the uplifting of Mount 
Govardhana (parigrihya giriifa dorbhySm vapur 
Vishnor vi(.'ambayan). For otfcer Puranic allu- 
sions see Calcutta Review, March, 1922, pp. 

Page iv, 1. 4. — The present Mahabharata (I. 67, 13-14) refers to 
King Asoka who is represented as an incarnation 
of a Mahasura, and is described as " mahSviryo'- 
parSjitah." We have also a reference (Mbh. 
I, 139, 21-23) to a Greek overlord (Yavanadbi- 
pah) of Sauvira and his compatriot Dattamitra 
(Demetrios?). The Santi Parva mentions 
Yaska, the author of the Nirukta (342,73), 
Varshaganya (318, 59) the Sariikhya philosopher 
who flourished in the fifth century after Christ, 
(J. R. A. S., 1905, pp. 47-51), and Kamandaka 
(123, 11), the authority on Dharma and Artha, 
who is probably to be identified with the famous 
disciple of Kautilya. 

Page 2, 1. 33. — There is no Janamejaya after Pariksbit I., also in the 
Kuru-Pandu genealogy given in the Chellur or 
Cocanada grant of Vira Cho.'a (Hultzsh, S. I. I., 
Vol. I, p. 57). 

Page 3. — The Bhagavata Purana (IX, 2!,25-26) distinctly mentions 
Tura Kavasheya as the priest of Janamejaya, 
the grandson of Abhimanyu, and the son of 
Parikshit II. 

Pa<*e 12, 1. 5, — The battle of Kurukshetra is very often described 
as a fight between the Kurus and the Srifijayas 
(Mbh. vi. 45,2 ; 60, 29 ; 72, 15 ; 73, 41 ; vii. 10, 
41 ; 149, 40; viii. 47, 23; 57, 12 ; 59, 1 ; 93, 1). 
The unfriendly feeling between these two peoples 
is distinctly alluded to in the Satapatha Brah- 
mana (Vedic Index, II, p. 63). 


Page 12, 1. 22. — The polyandrous marriage of the Pftncjavas does not 
necessarily indicate that they are of non-Kuru 
origin. The system of Niyoga prevalent among 
the Kurus of the Madhyade&a was not far removed 
from fraternal polyandry (Mbh. 1.103,9-10; 
105, .'37-38), while the Law (Dhaima) of 
marriage hououred by the Northern Kurus was 
admittedly lax (Mbh. I. 122,/). See also my 
"Political History" pp. 95-96, Journal of the 
Department of Letters (Calcutta University), 
Vol. IX. 
Page 73m. — Several scholars reject the identification of Vasudeva 
Krishna of the Mahabhiirata with the historical 
Krishna of the Chhandogya Upanishad (iii. 17). 
But we should remember that — 
(a) Both the Krishnas have the metronymic Devaki- 

{jj) the teacher of the Upanishadic Krishna belonged 
to a family (Angirasa) closely connected with the 
Bliojas (Rig-Veda III, 5*3,7), the kindreds of 
the Epic Krishna (Mbh. ii, 14,32-34). 

(c) the Upanishadic Krishna and his Guru Ghora 

Angirasa were worshippers of Surya. We 
are told in the Sautiparva (335,19) that the 
Siitvata vidhi taught by the Epic Krishna was 
Frak Surya-mnlha-nihsrita. 

(d) an Angirasa was the Guru of the Upanishadic 

Krishna. Angirasi Sruti is quoted as " $ruti- 
nam uttama &rutih" by the Epic Krishna 
(Mbh. viii. 69, 85). 

(e) the Upanishadic Krishna is taught the worship of 

the sun, the noblest of all lights (Jyotirutta- 
mamiti), high above all darkness (tamasas pari), 
and also the virtues of Tapodanam arjjavam- 
ahirhsa satya-vachanam. The Epic Krishna 
teaches the same thing in the Gita (xiii, 18 — 
jyotishamapi tajjvotis tamasah param uchyate ; 
xvi, 1-2 — Danam damascha yajnascha svadhva- 
yam tapa Srjjavam ahimsa satyam). 


Page 86, 1. 15. — The number of four queens was exceeded even in 
the BrShmanic period. The Aitareya BrShmana 
(VII, 13), for instance, refers to the hundred 
wives of King Harischandra. 
Page 89, 1. 3 Iff. — The Abhisheka was preceded by an oath taken by 
the King to the priest. Keith takes " utkro- 
sana " to mean proclamation. Trivedi takes it 
in the sense of gunaklrtana. 

Page 99, 1. 18. — The realm of Alavaka is probably identical with the 
Chan-chu country visited by Hinen Tsang. Dr. 
Smith seems to identify the country with the 
Ghazipur region (Watters, Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, 
pp. 61, 340). 

Page 101, 1. 18. — For the employment of princes as senapati see 
Kautilva (Mysore edition, 1919), p. 34. 

Page 112, 1. 7. — Susunaga, according to the Mahavaihsatika" (Tur- 
nouts Mahavamsa, xxxvii), was the son of a 
Lichchhavi raja of Vaisali. He was conceived 
by a nagara-sobhini and brought up by an officer 
of state. 
1. 20. — Avantivardhana was a son of Palaka according to 
the Kathasaritsagara (Tawney's translation, II, 
p. 485). 

Page 115, 1. 24. — Yogananda (Pseudo-Nanda) is the name given to 
the reanimated corpse of King Nanda (Katha- 
saritsagara, Durgaprasad and Parab's edition 
p. 10).' 

Page 120, I, 2i; 121. 1. 5. — " The youngest brother was called Dhana 
Nanda, from his heing addicted to hoarding 
treasure . . . He collected riches to the 
amount of eighty kotis — in a rock in the bed of 
the river (Ganges) having caused a great ex- 
cavation to be made, he buried the treasure there 
. . . . Levying taxes among other articles, 
even on skins, gums, trees and stones he amassed 
further treasures which he disposed of similarly/' 
(Tumour, Maliiivamsa p. xxxix.). 

Page 139, 1. 25. — Regarding the conduct of Samgrama Simha see 
Tod's RSjasthan, Vol. I, p. 240«(2). 


Page 147, I. 83. — Another minister (or Pradeshtri?) was apparently 
M ani\ atappo, a Jatilian, who "conferred the 
blessings of peace on the country by extirpating 
marauders" (Tumour's Mabavamsa, p. xlii). 

Page 170, 1. 8, 4. — Cf. Ajatasatru's treatment of BimbisSra, and 
Udayana's treatment of Pindola. 

Page 213w,— See JASB, 1922, pp. 260-271. 

Page 251, 1. 6-7. — Rsjatarangini I, 178; Harshacharita (Cowell) 
p. 252; Watters, Yuan-Chwang, ii, p. 200. 

Page Sol, last line. — The Kadphises Kings meant here are Krjula 
(Kadphises I), and Vima (Wema) and not Kuyula- 
kara Kaphsa whose identification with Kadphises 
I is a mere surmise. Even if Ku\ ulakara be 
identical with Kujula and the Kushin King of the 
Taxila inscription of 186, it may be pointed out 
that it is by no means certain that the date 136 
refers to the Vikrama era. 

Page 256, 1. 4. — Some idea of the great power of Bhava Naga's 
dynasty and the territory over which they ruled 
may be gathered from the fact that they per- 
formed ten AsVamedha sacrifices and " were 
besprinkled on the forehead with the pure water 
of (the river) Bhasirathi that had been obtained 
by their valour," (C. I. I. p. 241 ; A. H. D. p. 
72). The performance of ten Asvamedha 
sacrifices indicates that they were not a feudatory 
family owing allegiance to the Kushans. 
Page 284 1. 5. — Meghaduta (I, 31) and KathSsaritsagara (Tawney's 
translation, Vol II. "p. 275). 


Abhidhana Chintamani ... ... .. ... 230 

Abhidhanappadipika ... . - ... ... 99 

Aelian ... ... ... ... ... 144 

A Guide to Saiichi, Marshall ... ... 212, 222 

A Guide to Taxila, Marshall ... ... £4/22* 

Aiyan<jar, S. K. ... ... ... 120,140,173 

Alberuni ... ... ... ... 255n 

Ancient Hindu Polity, Dr. N. Law ... ... ... 173n 

Ai-cient History of the Deecan, G. Jouveau-Dubreuil, 250, 274, 304, 

Ancient India, Rapson ... ... ... 237, 238 

Ancient India as described in Classical Literature, McCrindle, 123, 129, 

157, 193,-: 03 

Ancient Persian Lexicon and the Texts of the Achaemenidan 

Inscriptions, H. C. Tolman 77, 123n 

Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute ... ... 289 

Anukramam ... ... ... 2* 

A Peep into the Early History of India, Sir It. G. Bhandarkar 287, 

Apollodorus of Artemita ... ... 203,204 

Appianus ... ... ... ... ... 141 

Aranyaka, Kaushitaki ... ... ... ... 9 

Aranvaka, Taittinya ... ... ... ... 5,12 

An'stobulus ... ... ... ... ... 128 

Arrian (Chinnock's Edition) 122-128, 133, 134, 143, 144, 119, 152, 

153, 282, 233 
Arthasastra — Barhaspatya ... ... 127, 181 

— Kautiiya (Shamasastrv) iv, 1 139,43, 59, 65, 69, 71, 
73, 75, 78, 91," 120, 145ff, 163-168, 181, 189, 

233, 260 262, 280 
Ashtadhyayi, Pariini, Ed. S. C. Vasu, II, 1 ■', >6, 28, 40, 59, 73, 74, 

98, 120, 1>5, 130. 131,153, 168, 197 
Asoka, Third Edition, Smith, 110, 114, 142 156, 164, 165, 173-177 

179,182, 186,190, 195 


A§okavadana ... ... ... iv, 113 

Athenaios ... ... ... ... 143, 157 

Atthakatha ... ... ... ... ... 108 


Bana ... ... 113,118,186,214,266,270,283,301 

Banerji.R.D. ... 1 13, 1 i5, 217, 251, <52, 258, 261, 264n 

Barnett ... ... ... ... 110, 114 

Basak, R.G. ... ... ... ... ... 298 

Beal ... ... ... 109, 247u, 297n, 300 

Beginnings of South Indian History ... ... 120, 140 

Beloch ... ... ... ... ... 17 1 

Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume . ... ... 101 

Bhandarkar, Prof. D. R., ii, 28, 30, 44, 58, 75, 93, 101, 102, 109, 

111, 112, 116, 163, 161. 165, 179n, 180, 186, 189n, 190, 205, 

213, 221, 236, 258, 259, 261, 262 265, 31 On 

Bhandarkar, Sir R. G., 131, 173, 201, 202 215, 218, 228, 251 262 

264, 283,310 
Bhattasali, N. K. ... .. ... ... 298 

Bloc'll ... ... ... ... ... 286 

Bombay Gazetteer 152 185, 205, 258n 267n, 268, 280, 309, 310n 
Book of Kindred Mayings, Mrs. Rhys Davids ... 60, 63n, 81, 105 
Brahmana — 
Aitareya, ii, 2, 3, 4, 10, 11, 14, 27, 89,41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 50, 

55, 60, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 82, 83, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 

94, 131, 165, 1»2 

Aitareya (Trivedi's Translation) ... ... 14 

- Gopatha ... ... ... 11,28,29,50 

Jaiminiya Upanishad ... ... 7, 14, 17,41, 50 

Kaushitaki ... ... ... 26,32 

Pafichavimsa or Tancjya ... ... 10,14,39.50 

c amhitopanishad .. ... ... 31 

gatapatha, Keeling, ii, *, 3, 5, 7, 10, 11, 18, 14, 17, 20, 21, 

22, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 81, 32, 31, 86, 42, 47, 50, 51, 60, 
67, 7i, 76, 77, 83, 8t-88, 91, 9', 98 

Taittiriya ... ... ... .. ii 

VHrhsa ... ... ... 14,17,77,197 

Brihat Samhita ... 125, 258n, 262, 267, 279, 280, .'Kiln 

_ Kern ... ... ... 186u, 187, 208 

Buddha, Oldenberg ... ... 6, 19, 20, 23, 52 

Buddhaghosha ... ... ... 10*, 106 

Buddhist India, Rhys Davids ... 21, 53, 68, 77, 80, 102 

Buddhist Suttas ... ... ... iv, 9, 1*, 9» 

Buhler ... ... ... 163,166,167,168,288 



Carmichael Lectures, 1918 ... 28, 88, 86, 58, 68,71, 74, 131, 162 
Catalogue of Coins— Allan (Guptas) ... 271, 275, 281, 285, 288 

293, 297, 309 
—Gardner ... ... 226 

— Rapson (Andhras f»nd W, Kshatrapas) 219 

— Whitehead (Indo-Greeks and Indo-Scythians) 

206n, 228, 235, 2 55n 
Cevlonese Chronicles ... 109-112, 116, 119, 157, 158, 175 

Chanda, Professor R. P. ... 110, 113, 1 15, 145, 200, 217, 223 

Chaucer ... ... ... ... ... 204 

Chavannes ... ... ... ... ... 230 

Coins of Ancient India, Cunningham ... 211, 212 

Corporate Life in Ancient India, Dr. R. C. Majumdar .. 73 

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. Ill, Fleet ... 301, 304, b08 
Cowell ... ... ... ... 92,138,156 

Cunningham ... 26, 68, 59, 64, 99, 1 10, 1 14, 133, 206n, 21 1, 228, 

231, 233,241 
Curtius ... ... 117,118,120,125,129,131,133.134 

Dacca Review 

Dey,N. L., 



Dialogues of the Buddha 



... 54, 58, 66, 173n 


34, 4-1, 55, 63, 64, 75, 81, 132 
. 120, 125, 127, 131, 133-135 


Divyavadana (Cowell and 28, 69, 99,188, 156, 164, 184-188, 

Neil). 194-199 

Dubreuil, Professor ... 199, 250>:5:>, 258-260,266,274-278, 

:i04, 310. 
Dvatrimsatpuitalika ... ... ... 220 

Dynasties of the Kali Age, 6, 8, 58, 208, 211, 214 215, 274 



Early History of the Dekkan, 
Sir R. G. Bhandarkar. 

198ff, 215 



Early History of India, 

Dr. Vincent Smith. 
Early History of the Vaish- 
nava Sect, Kaychaudhuri 
Epigraphia In- lira 



130, 152, >20, ->30, 232, 238, 239, 241, 
2 i:>, 2*8, 251.57, 275-277, 302-303. 

Fa Hien, Legge 

Fan -ye 

Fiok, trans. S. Maitra 


Foreign Elements in the 

Hindu Population. 
Fundamental Unity of India 

Dr. Badhakumud 


99, 163, 284, 285, 300. 



116, 231, 238, 240, 242, 244, 249, 275, 

277, 279, 296n (Ind. Aut., 1890, 

p. 227). 297, 299, 308. 



( i a ! ; a ] •; 1 1 1 1 a . . . 

Gangoly O. C. 
Gargi Sam hits 
Gaurjavaho . . . 
Gazetteer — Amraoti 
— Bombay 

130, 138 
152, 205, 258n 267n, 268, 
280, 3C9, 310. 
— Godavari District ... ... 276 

— Yizagapatam „ ... ... 276n 

Geiger ... ... 108,112,118,116,117,136,162,188 

Goldstucker ... ... ... ... 205 

Great Epic of India, Hopkins ... ... iii, 12 



Hamilton and Falconer ... ... ... 204 

Harisvamin ... ... ... 31, 67 

HSrit Krishna Dev ... ... ... 35 

Harivamsa ... ... 41,43,54,55,67,68 

Harshacharita, Parab ... ... 113, 270, 274, 304 

Harshacharita, Cowell and 118, 186, 197, 214, 266, 274, 301, 307 


Hema Chandra ... ... 104, 154, 155, 230 

Herodotus ... ... ... ... 123, 124 

Hillebrandt ... ... ... ... 87 

Historical position of ... ... 801 

Kalki, Jayaswal. 

History of Greece for ... ... 61, 1 S » 

Beginners, Bury. 

Hiuen Tsang ... 26, 99, 109, 120, 158, 162, 164, 187, 

249, 254, 262, 289, 295, 297, 299, 
300, 302. 

Hoernle ... ... ... ... 99, 100, 101, 296 

Holdich ... ... ... ... 126 

Hultzsch ... ... ... ... 28, 172, 174, 299 

Indian Antiquary ... 12,27,42,44,54,61, 66, llOn, 141, 

155 160, 164, 165, 173, 180, 190, 
202,205, 207 211,227, 231, 233, 
239, 240, 253, 257, 270, 277, 279, 
282, 288. 
Indian Literature, Weber ►• ... ...16,27,30,31,56 

Indica, Megasthenes . . ... ... 74, 160 

Invasion of India by •« 117,121 181-136, 157, 164 

Alexander, McCrindle. 
Isidore of Charax ... ... ... 205,228,233 

I-Tsing ... ... ... ... 54,271 

Iyengar, Srinivasa ... ... ... 44 

Jacobi ... ... ... 65, 109, 112, 155 

Jaina canon ... ... ... ... ▼ 

Jataka, Camb. Ed. ; al*o Fausboll — 

— ArSmaduea (268) ... ... ... 48 

— Asadisa (181) ... ... ... 48 



Jataka, AsStarupa (100) ... 

— Assaka ... 

— Atthana (425) 

— Bhaddasftla 

— Bhall& ... 

— Bhojajaniya 

— Bhuridatta 

— Brahachatta 

— Brahmadatta 

— Champeyya 

— Chetiya 

— Chullakaliriga 

— Chulla Sutasoma ... 

— Darimukha 

— Dasa Brahmana 

— Dasaratha (461) ... 

— Dhajavihetha (391) 

— Dhonasakha 

— Dhumakari 

— Dummedha (30) ... 
— Ekapanna 

— Ekaraja 

— Gagga 

— Gandatindu 

— GandhSra (406) ... 

— Ghata(355) 

— Ghata (454) 

— Guttila 

— Camb, Kd. ; also Fausboll— 

— Haritamata 

— Jayadissa 

— Kalinga Bodhi 

— Khaiulalmla (542) ... 

— Kosambi 

— Kuuibhakara 

— Kummasapinda (415) 

— Kunala 

— Kurudhamma 

— Kusa 

— Lomasa Kassapa (438) 

— Maliaassaroha 

— MahSjanaka (539) ... 

— \1 aha Kanha 

— Maha Narudakassapa 
. — Mahasilava • •• 

— Mahasutasoma 

i *— Mahft Ummagga ... 

— Matauga 

47, 75 

... 47,65,81,105 



53, 55 

63, 74, 75 




59, 63 



... 52, 73 (line 28) 


81, 105 




47, 80 

38, 38, 89-41, 69, 70, 76 

35, 105 






19, 41, 88, 54- (line 19) 








Jataka, Matiposaka 

••• ■>•) 

— Milsika (.-573) 


— Nandiya Miga 


— Nimi 

21,28,33, 38,39, 70 

— Padakusalamanava (432) 


— Padanjali 

85, 92 

— Sachchamkira (73) 

84, 85, 93 

— Sambhava 


— Sambula 

3 * 

— Samkichcha (530) 

73 (line 28) 

— Sam vara ... 


— Sarabhamiga 


— Sarabhariga 


— Sattuvasta 


— Serivanij (3) 


— Setaketu 


— Seyya 


— Somanassa 


— Sonaka 


— Sona Nanda 


— Suruchi 


— Susima (Ml) 

... ... 35,76,163 

— Tachchhasukara (492) 


— Tandulaoali (5) 


— Telapatta (96) 


— Tesakuna • 

... • 80 

— Thusa (338) 


— Udaya (458) 


— Uddulaka 


— Ummadanti 


— Camb. Ed. ; also Fausboll — 

— Vadd hakisukara 

81, 105 

« — Vidhurapandita ~. 


— Vedabbba ... 

- 67 

— Vessantara (547) ... ... 

... 93, 130, 223 

Jayaswal ... 108, 110, 112, 

113-116, 121,158, 166, 

177, 200, 201 

, 211, 212, 217, 224, 


Journal — 

— Of the Asiatic Society 54, 55, 58, 66, 

68, 71,289. 296, 303. 

of Bengal. 310. 

— of the BihSr and 


Orissa Kesearch So- 


— of the Department 

229, 231, 239 

of Letters (Calcutta 




Jataka, of the Royal Asiatic 


43, 57, 2G4n, 266. 

121, 134, 137, 139-141, 20!, 205-207, 
226-229, 243, 2ti0n. 

Kalakacharya Kathanaka 



. . . 

162, 163, 19+, 24!< 



201,202,210,229, 276 


• . . 


Kamasutra, Vatsyayana 

. . . 


Kathasaritsagara, Durga- 

28, 102, 


115, 119, 120, 283», 

prasSd ami Parab. 


— Tawney ... 

...53, 109, 119, 120 

K at y ay an a 


Katyayana (grammarian) 




• • • 

... it, 2, 36,38, 197 


244, 249 


, , , 

168, 186n, 187, 208 


, , 

l.">2, 296 


. . . 


Kittel's Dictionary 


Knightes Tale 



Kshemendra ... 

, . 


Law, Dr. N. ... 

Levi, Sylv\in 

Life — of Alexander 

— of Buddha (Uockhill) 

— of Hiuen Tsang 



189, 230, 245 



56, 297 

198, 223,255, 271 


... t'i, 2,36. 38, 1»7 

iti, 2, 3,8, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 17, 19, 

•22, 23, 27-29, 31-33,35,39, 40-44, 

53-57,64-69, 71-73, 75, 77-79, 83, 



Mahabhashya, Patanjali 

Mahamayuri ... 
Mahavariisa ... 

Majumdar, Dr. R. C. 

Majumdar, S. N. 




Mamulanar ... 


Marshall, Sir John 

M. Chakravarti 


Meghaduta ... 

Memoirs of the Archaeologi- 

eal Survey of India. 
Milinda Panho 
Modern Europe, Lodge 
Modern Review 
Mysore and Coorg from 

the Inscriptions, Rice. 

...98, 122, 127, 128, 130-133, 160, 
170, 172, 176, 185, 191, 197, 202, 
204, 213, 223, 231, 267, 279, 280. 

— A Criticism, C. V. Vaidya 1 3 

— Java Text ... 2 
ir, 12, 73, 196, 201, 202, 204, 205, 

209, 231. 

113, 115, 117, 118, 119 
iv, 8, 58, 82, 97, 99, 113, 116, 136, 
138, 162, 188. 

— Geiger ... 8, 58, 82 
110, 114, 163, 239, 240, 250, 251, 259, 





197, 198, -202, 210, 229 

140, 141 

29, 62,61,84-, 132, 166, 168, 231 

24, 212, 213, 222, 229, 236, 238, 240, 

241, 243, 247, K49-251. 

117, 132, 133, 143, 145», 157, 164 

44, 102 

121, 140, 204, 205, 223, 209, 226, 267 


...108, 114«. 227, 230, 277,278 

120, 140, 188 


Nikaya — 

Samyutta. .. 
Nilakantha (Mahabharata 


45, 46, 63, 77, 80, 110, 111, 125, 164 

9, 21, 38, 49, 51, 60, 63, 73, 81, 
101. 103, 107, 108, 126. 



Nirukta, Yaska .. ... ... 56, 85 

Nitisara, KSmandaka ... ... ... 120 

Notes on the Ancient ... ... 24 

Geography of G and hat a, 


Oldenberg ... ... /7, 2, 6, 19, 20, 23, 31, 57, 251 

Oldham ... ... ... ... 279 

Onesikritos ... ... ... 129 

Orosius ... ... ... ... 131. 

Oxford History of India, 115,145, 154,158,183,199,248,294 
Dr. V. A. Smith. 

Panku ... ... ... ... 244, 246 

Pan-yong ... ... ... ... 246 

Paramatthajotika ... ... ... 40, 63 

Paranar ... ... ... ... 140 

Pargiter ... ... tV, 8, 10, 13, 19,20, 29,32,57,66, 

186, 208, 274, 279. 

Paiisishta Parvan ... 105, 108, 109, 117, 138, 139, 154, 155 

Pataliputrakalpa ... ... ... 185 

Pavanadutam... ... ... ... 276 

Periplus of the Erythrman ... ...24,136,163,221 

Sea, Schoff. 

Pischel ... ... ... ... 6 

Pliny ... ... ... 122,157,160,164,165 

Plutarch ... ... ... 120, 134, 135, 139-14', 204 

Polybius ... ... ... ... 193,194,202 

Pompeius Trogus ... ... ... 202. 

Prabodhachandrodaya ... ... ... 303 

Priyadarsika, Sri Harsha ... ... ... 55,102 

Ptolemy, historian ... ... ... 128 

Ptolemy, geographer ... ...172,205,226,2:7,239,264 

Purftna — 

— Bhagavata ... 8, 56, 110, 185, 203w, 205m, 21 \ 267/* 

— BrahnWa ... ... ... 110,118 

— Kurma .. ... ... 160 

— Markarujeya, ... ... 32,66,125,165,232,279 



Purana — 

— Matsva ... 3, 10, 26, 32, 35, 41-44, 48, 54, 55, 71, 

72, 75, 76, 110, 118, 119, 165, 184, 
185, 212, 218, 219, 265. 

— VSyu ... ... 8, 20, 24, 26, 32, 34, 38, 41-44, 48-51, 

54, 55, 58, 60, 71-76, 109, 110, 113, 
118, 119, 165, 184, 185, 186, 212, 
218, 219. 

— Vishnu ... 4, 8, 17, 20, 22, 34, 38, 42, 48, 60, 72, 

73, 184, 185, 186, 212, 289. 


Raghuvarhsa... ... ... ... 43 ; 160, 276 

Rajatarangini ... ... 162, 184, 193, 254 

Ramayana ... ... Hi, 11, 19, 20-26, 36,40,43,48,4'.*, 

52-60, 67, 70, 71. 
Rapson ... ... 123, 206m, 208, 219, 225, 233, 237, 251, 

257, 258, 266, 268, 269. 
Ratnavali ... ... ... ... 102 

Rawlinson ••• ... ... ... 206m 

Raychaudhuri ... ... ... 173 

Records of he Western ... ... 247 n 

World, Real, t 
Religions of India, Hopkins ... ... 12 

Rhys Davids ... ... ii, 9, 18, 21, 31, 49, 59, 77, 102, 106, 

107, 143, 223, 226. 
Rice ... ... •• ... 119, 141, 164, 189 

Kivett-Carnae... ... ... ... 211 

Rock-hill ... ... ... •' ... 60 

Roth ... •• ... ... ... 2 


Sacred Books of the East ... 9, 22, 26 

"58, 62 
Saint-Martin, V. de 
Sanskrit Literature, Mac- 

Sastri, Pandit H. iT ... " 
Sayan a 
Schwanbeck ... 

36,38, 43, 47, 48, 53, 56- 
65, 69, 71, 76, 80, 81, 88, 91 

m, 20 







Shamasastry ... 
Si-yu-ki, Beal 
Smith, Dr. V. A. 


South Indian Inscriptions, 

Spooner, D-. ... 

Sten Konow ... 

Sthaviravali .. 

Svapna Vasavadatta, Bhasa 

(Ed. Ganapati Sastri). 
Sukhthankar ... 
Sukraniti, B K. Sarkar ... 
Sutra — 

— Dharma 

— Grihya 

— Jaina 

Ni ray avali 
Uttaraihjayana ... 
— §rauta 

Apastamba ... 

Baudlulvana ... 

Sankhayana ... 

Sutta, Buddhist— 

— Ambafctha ••• 

— Lohichcha *•• 

— Mahagovinda 

— Mahali... ••• 

166, 168, 179«, 189 

146, 16*. 283, 262», 266 


i, 43, 44,61, 64, 110,114,116,129, 

131, 140, 142. 145, 150, 154, 157- 

159, 164-168, 173-186, 193, 195, 199, 

204-206, 209, 216, 236, 237n, 248, 

250, 252, 254, 255w, 265, 272, 882, 

283, 294, 296. 






227, 230, 239, 240, 244-248, 250, 252, 

253, >55, 280. 

122, 126-128, 132, 133, 142-146, 149, 
151, 153, 155, 157, 167, 202-204, 
226, 2>7. 


220, 264 




9, 18 

46, 104, 105 


104, 105, 107, 108 

... 22, 38, 89,41,69, 70,76,77 

.. . 




22, 197 



...' 18, 14, 84, 45, 51 


... • 81 

34, 41, 42, 55, 74, 75, 90 




— MaliSpaiinibbana .. 

— Maha Sudassana 

— Makliadeva 
Sutta Nipata ... 

... 53, 54, V,i, 64, 106, 138, 188 


38 39 



Thomas, Dr. V. W. 


127, 131, 158, 168, 176, 228, 232, 241 
249, 251. 

204, 209 

Upanishad — 



Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's 




Uvasagadasao, Hoernle 

ii, 13, 15-17, 21-23, 27,33,40, 

41, 90, 92, 191, 197. 
ii, 12, 14, 17, 21, 24, 27, 33, 84 

92, 188. 

iii, 25. 

27, 29, 36, 90. 


9, 36, 41, 51. 


59, 65, 99-101, 106, 107. 



. 309 


. 258» 


. 101,126,219. 

Veda samliita — 


. ii, 1, 7, 13, 24, 34, 49, 54, 

56, 92. 

Bloomfield's translation .. 

. 2 

Paippalada recension 

. 34 


. 7, 84. 

Maitrayani ... 

. 84. 


. 6, 7, 24, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 36, 

39, 40, 49-51, 56, 57, 66, 72, 

76, 130. 



Vedic Index, Macdonell and Keith 2,5, 6, 10, 14,17, 19-21, 28, 

31-34, 38,41,56, 76, 84, 85, 
88, 104, 128, 130. 

Venkatesvaraiyar ... ... 173. 

Vidyabhushana, Dr. S. C. ... 61. 

Vimanavattliu ... ... 180. 

Yinaya Texts ... ... iv, 28, 47, 220. 

Mahavagga ... 47,53, 56,63, 64 80, 8», 91, 


Von Sallet ... ...' 207. 








137, 141, 206. 

99, 162, 230, 267m, 297, 29'. 

16,27,30,31,56, 85, 131.. 


206«, 225, 228, 235-237, Ul, 


Yuan Chwang, Watters 
Yuga Parana 

... 53, 59, 77, 78, 230, 2C7w, 298. 
... 187. 
... 249. 



... 2,27. 


Abdagas s, 243 
Abhaya Liehchhavi, 63 
Abhaya, Prince of Magadha, 105 
Abhimanyu, 2, 3, 311 
Abhipratarin, 4, 14, 15 

Abhira, Abiria, 44, 239, 205, 269, 

279, 280 
Abhisara, Abhisares, 127, 128, 134, 

Abhisheka, 88, 89, 313 
Achaemenian, 77, 122, 123, 121 
Aebchba, 46 
Aehyuta, 273,274 
Adhisimakrishna, 13, 15, 30 
Adhyaksha^, 149, 150, 168 

Adichchas (Adityas), 48 

Adityasena, 295, 308 ff. 

Adityavarman, 301 

Adraistai, 128 

Agalassoi, 131 

Agathokleia, 208, 225 

Agathokles, 225 

Agikharhdha, 180 

Agnimitra, 198, 199, 210 ff., 234 

Agrammes, 118, 1Z0, 121, 135, 137, 

1 39, 164 
Ahichchhatra, Adhichhatra, 69, 70, 

212, 274, 275 
Aikshvaka, 49, 50 
Aila, 7 

Aindra mahabhisheka, 89, ff. 
Aindrota, 14, 17, 30 
Aja, 110, 111 
Ajaka, 112 
Ajami(jha, 7 

Ajatasatru KaSya, 28, 19, 34-36, 39 
AjataSatru, Kunika, 68, 63, 65, 
103-116, «14 

Ajivika,169, 171, 182, 185 

AkarSvanti, 262, 267 
Akonphis, 126 

Akshapataladhikrita, Keeper of the 

Records, 285 
Akshavapa, 88 
Alasanda, Alexandria, 136, 162 

Alavi, Alabhiya, Alavaka, 99, 100, 

Alexander, 117, 119, 124, 127, 130, 

132, 134-138, 141, 142, 157, 174, 

175, 187, 203, 225, 279 
Alikasudara, 174, 175 
Amachcha, Amatya, 146-149, 158, 

167,^168, 198, 214, 258, 262, 268 
Ambarisha. 50 

Ambashtha, Ambattha, 131, 132 
Ambashthya, 90 
Amarakantaka Hill, 160 

Anibhi, 127 

Ambliiyas, 127 

Amitraghata, Amitrochates, 155, 157 

Ammaraja 1, 299 

Arhtamahamatras, 166 

Anantadevi, 289 

Anantavarman, 304 

Anarta, 267, 268 
Anasva, 2 
Andhaka, 72, 73 

Andhra, iv, 42, 44, 45 ; 165 

183, 215, 217 ff., 262 
Andhrabhrityas, 211, 214-220 
Anga, 28, 45, 46, 53-56, 68, 79, 

99, 102, 104, 109, 304 
Angirasa, 188, 312 
Antarvedi, 286, 294 
Antialkidas, Amtalikita, 213, 226, 

Antigonos Gonatas. 174, 175 
Antiochos the Great, 193, 194, 

202-206, 2; 5 
Antiochos Theos, 174, 175 
Anu, 26, 27 
Anupa, 262, 26/ 



Anurnddha, 110, 116 

Anusamyana, 176 

Anyataplaksha 6 

Apachara, 66 

Apachya, 82 

A para Matey as, 71 

Aparftnta, 165, 177, 219, 258, 262 

265, 267, 
A pay a, 5, 6 

Apisali, 131 

Apollodotos, 206n, 208, 209, 225, 

Apollonios, 235. 242 
Aramaic, 124 
A Hake, 25b 
Arikina, 275, 286, 300 
Arishta, Arittha Jauaka, 22, 38 
Aritthapura, 130 
Aryaka, 112 

Arjuna, King of Kanauj, 308, 
Arjuna Pandava, 62, 279 

Arjunayanas, 279 
Arta, 238 

Artabhaga, 23 

Aruna, 5 

AruNi, 8, 9, 17,21, 23-25, 27, 31, 

33, 36 
Asandivant, 6, 10, 11 
Ashadhasena, 212 
Asiaui, 227 
Asika, 262 
Asitampga, 11 
ASmaka, Assaka, 42-47, 74, 75, 118, 

122, 125, 135, 262 
Asoka, 43, 59, 71, 158, ff. 
Aspasian 125, 135 
Aspavarnia, 235, 238 

Assalftyana, Asvalayana, 9, 12, 36 

41, 51,81, 126 
A st a k filial is, 122 
Astes, 136 
Asuri, 18 
AsVaghosha, 254 
Asvajit, 134 
Asvala, 23. 36 

Asvamedhadatta, 13, 14, 15, 30 
ASvapaM, King of the Kekavas, 21, 

26, 27 
Asvapati, King of the Madras, o<> + 

AsvataiaSvi, 17, 21, 27 
Asvatthaman, 197 

Atavyah, 44 

Athama, 237 

Atnara, 38, 51, 52, 90 

Auchchamanyava, 14 

Aupamanyava, 27 

Avaha, 46 

Avamnkta, 276 

Avanti, 45, 46, 74-76, 100-103, 

108, 109, 112, 131, 151, 186 
Avantiputta, 73, 99 
Avantivardhana 112,313 
Avantivarman, 307 
Avikshit, 2 
Ayama, 258 

Ayaputa, 166 

Ayasi Komusa, 238 

Ayogava, 84 

Ayu, 7 

Ayuktaka, 286 
Azes I, 235 ff. 
A/fs II, 235 ff. 

Azilises, 236, 290 n. 


Babhru, 41, 73 

Babylon, 48, 141, 242 

Bactrian, iii, 124, ,141, 202, 203, 

206, 225, 227, 233 
Bactriana 202, 204, 226, 227 
Bactrian Greeks, 202, 203, 213, 227, 

229, 243 
Baghelkhand, 198, 295 

Bahapatimitra, 199 
Kahasati, 199 
Bahasatimitra, 199, 212 
Bahraich, 49 
Bairat, 29, 7 1 
Baithan, 864 
Bamdhikarava, -87 


33 i 

Baladhvaksha, 166 

BalAditva I, 297, 298 

BalAdityall, 300, 30L 

Balaki, 28, 30 

Balasri, 268 

Balavarman 273 

Balhika, 7 

Balipragraha, 168 

Balkh, *6 

Bamhana, 221 

Bamiyan regioD 2 10 

Banagarh, 290 

Banda, 66, 271 

Bandhula, 65, 101 

Bandhupalita, 260, 

Bandhuvarman, 288 

Banga, 46 

Banskhera, 290, 307 

Bapaka, 269 

Barabar, ."50 4 

Barabaiiki, 304 

BarSnasi, 33, 36. 47, 58, 99, 100 

Barauasiggaho, 80 

Barbara, 23 

Barbaricum, 232 244 

Bareilly, 69 

Barhadratha, 57 

Barhaspatya, 148 

Barsaentes, 12-r 

Barygaza, 204, 225 

Basti, w7 

Beas, 26, 131, 203 

Behistun, 77, 116, 123 

Bellary district, 250, 257, 264 

Benares, 34, 35, 46, 47, 4S, 54, 76, 

80, 85, 86, 91 
Berar, 40, 43 
Besatie, 163 
Be8nagar, 212 
Bessus, 124 
Betul, 294 

Bhadavaniya monks, 264 
Bhaddasala, 121, 140 
Bhadradevi, 111 
Bhadraka, 212, 213 
Bhadramukha, 260, 269 n. 
Bhadrasena, son of AjataSatru, 36 
Bhadrasena, son of Kalasoka, 113 
Bhadravsihu, 154 
Bhiigabhadra, -213, 224, 226, 234 
Bhogadatta, 306 

Bhiigadugha, 88 
Bhagala, i 30 
Bliagalpur, 53 

Bhaga ouriga, 212 
Bhagavata 212, 213, 214, 217, 
Bliaggas 68, W7, 98, 
Bhagiratha 50, 

Bhagirathi, 69, 

Bhagyadevi 290 

Blialan-ses, 130 

Bhallata, 48 

Bhallatiya, 48 

Bhallaveya, 27 

Bhanu Gupta, 301 

Bharadvaja, 197 

Bharadvaja, Sukesa, 36, 51, 81, 

BharaSivas, 256 

Bharata, 185 

Bharata Dasarathi, 21, 26, 27 

Bharata Dauhshanti, 7, 42, 7i, 90, 

Bharata dynasty, 31, 32, 34 
Bharata of Sovira, 74 
Bharatas, 6, 7, 14, 15, 32, 34 
Bharatavarsha, 224 
Bharata War, i, 1, 5 

Bharati 6, 7 

Bharatpur, 28, 268, 280 

Bhargava, 41 

Bharhut Gallery, 110, 112 

Bharsar hoard, 297 

Bhartridaman, 269 

Bhasa, 15 

Bhaskaravarman, 308 

Bhatasvapati, 287 

Bhattiya, 55, 58, 97 

Bhaujya, 82, 83, 87 

BhavaNagi, 256, 314 

Bherighosa, 171, 196 

Bhikshukis, 153 

Blulsa, 44, 165 

Bhima, 12, 69 

Bhimasena, 2, 3, 4, 13, 15, «0 

Bhimavarman, 308 

lihima King of Vidarbha, 3,9,41, 

73, 76 
Blur mound, 24 
Bhitari, 289, 290, 296 
Bhoganagara, 65 
Bhagavati, 284 



Bhojas, 12, 43, H t 73, 76, 84, 164, 

165, 296, 312 
Bhoja, Dan >kya, 89 
Bhojaka, 286 
Bhojakata, 41 
Bhojanagara, 28 
Bhudeva, 189 
Bhujyu, 23 
Bhumimitra, 21 1 
BhQtapfila, 119 
Bhutaviras, 11 

Bihar, 18, 56, 59, 290, 30*, 308 
Bijayaga.h, 268, 279, 280 
Bilsad, 288 
BimbisSra, i, v, I •">, ~)Q, 55, 58, 59, 

68, 77,81, 82, 91, 97, 101, 103, 

104, 105, 109, 111, 1.2, 116, 117, 

161, 169, 172, 182, 188, 272, 314 
Bindueara, Amitra<;hata, 138, 154, 

155, 156, 157, 158,159, 160, 183, 

188, 194, 195, 196 
Bisi, 164 
Bithur, 280 

Bodhgaya, 108,212,281 
Bodhi, 98, 10S, n. 
Brachmaos, 133, 144 
Brahma, 189, n. 
Brahmadatta of Ariga, 55, 59, 99, 


Brahmadatta of Assaka, 42, 74, 90 
Brahmadattas of Kasi, 34, 35, 17. 

53, 80, 91 
Brahmadatta of Pafichala, 70 
Brahmakshatra, 68 
Brali mam it ra, 21 1 
Rrahmanabad, '33 
Brahmaputra, 295 
Hrahmar>hidesa, 29 
Brnhmavaddhana, 33 
Brahmi, :25, 238, 239 
Brihadratha, ">i 
Brihadratha Maurya, 198, 184, 186, 

Brihaduktha, 58, 70 
Brihaspati Mitra, 199, 224 
Brihaspati vak, 89 
Buddha Gupta, 252, 189 
Buddha Tathagata, iii, 9, 48, 49, 

51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57, 63, 80, 81, 

82, 101. 107, 126, 163, I8l>, 244, 

225 n. 
Budha Gupta, 289, 294. 299, 300 
Budila, 17, 21, 27 
Bukhara 227, 246 
Bulandshahr. 273 
Bubs, 97, 98 
Bumodus, 124 
Bundelkhand, 276, 277 

Caesar, 84 

(alingae, 160 

Cambyses 122 

Canakka, 99 

Candagutta Maurya, 99, 121 

Cannanore, 140 

Caryanda, 123 

Cathaeans, 128 

Caucasus, 198, 203 

Ceylon, 172, 17-\ 174, 175 

Chaharata, 257 

Chaitva, 162 

Chaityaka. 56 

Chaidyoparichara, 57, 66 

Chaikit&yana, 33 

Chakra, 93 

Chakrapalita, 294 

Chakrayana, 14, 16, 23, 29, 30 

Chalikya, 304 
Chalukyas, 304 
Chambal, 69, 71 
Chammak Grant, 43 

Champa Cit y> 5 *> 64 » 55 » f 8 
Champfinagara, 54 
Champapura, 54 
Champa River, 58 
Chauakya, 139, 155, 196 
Canarese, 33 
Chan-chu, 313 
(Miandana, 56 

Chan'Ja Pradyota Mahasena, 58, 103 
Chaudra, 256, .74 
Chandragiri, K> I 
Chandra Gupta I, 272, 273 
Chandra Gupta II, 256, 266, 269, 
270, 273, 277, 280, 282 ff. 



Chandragupta Maurya, 8,18(5, 137, 

Chandragupta Munipati, 154 
Chandra Gupta Vikramaditya, 282 ff, 

310 ff. 
( luu ul rath sa, 266, 274 
Chandravala, 55 
Chandiavarman, 27?, 274 
Chandur, 41 
Chang-K'ien, 245, 246 
Chara, 153, 168 
Charaka, 254 
Charsadda, 24 
Charshani, 89 
Chasntana, 233, 240, 259, 260, 261, 

266,* 267, 268 
Chauroddharanika, 286 
Chedis, 29, 45*, 65, 67, 71, 78, 223 
Chellana, 63, 104, 106 
Chera, 173 

Chetaka, 62, 63, 104, 10t), 107 
Chetas, 216, 223, 225 
Chetis, 223 
Chhahara, 237, 238 
Chhatrava, 239 
Chhavillakara, 163 
Chicacole, 276 
China, 163, 265 
Chinab, 31, 128 

Chinese, 235, 24+, 245, 248, 249, 

250, 252, 253, 254, 271, 281 
Chinese Turkestan, 245 
Ching-ti, 230 
Chiratadatta, 288 
Chir Stupa, ^5i 
Chitor, 202, 205 
Chitrasena, 2 
Chola, 172, 174, 175 
Choramargana, 168 
Chora Kajju" 168 
Chora Kajjukas, 168 
Chouang-mo, Chouang-mi, 246 
Chuksha, 237 
Chulani, 70 
Cleisobora, 7 1 
Cochin, 173 
Cochin China, 54 
Cudomannus, 124, 135, -232 
Coimbatore, 140, 173 
Conjeeveram, 276 
Cophseus, 134 
Copheu, 122 
C uinth, 122 
Cretans, 133 
Cyrene, 174 
Cyrus, 122 
Cutch, 259, 261, 267 

Dabbasena, 80 

Dabhala, 275, 286, 294, 301 

Daddarapura, 67 

Dadhivahana, 55, 68, 90 

Dahae, 134, 245 

Daivapa, 3, 11, 14, 17, 30 

Daivaputra, 256, 280 

Daivavridha, 41, 72, 73 

Dakshayana Sacrifice, 60 

Dakshina Mathuia, 172 

Dakshinapada, 40 

Dakshinapatha, 40, 44, 75, 151, 216, 

222, 275 
Dakshinapathapati, 221 
Dakshinatva, 40, 74 
Dalbhya Chaikitavana, 33 
Dalbhya Kesin, 32, 33 
DSmaghsada 1, 269 

Damajada Art, 269 
Damana, 275 
Damasena, 269 
Damodara Gupta, 305. 
Damodarpur, 278, 28«, 294, 300, 

Dandaka, 39, 48, 44, 74 
Daijf.aki, 48 

Dancjapasadhikarana, 287 
DaKclapasika, 286 
Darida Samatft, 190, 191 
Dan<"iika, 286 
Dantakura, 42 
Dantapuranagara, 42 
Darius, 77, 123, 135, 145, 232 
Darsaka, 102, 108, 109 
DSrvabhisara, 12? 
Darayavaush, 128 



Dasapura, 288 

Dasaratha (Ikshvaku), 86 

Daiaratha Maurya, 181, 185, 186 

Dasarna, 11 

Dasafii'ddhaka, 1 20. 

Dasyu tribe, 15 

Dattadevi, 2S2 

Dattamitia, 201, SI I 

Dattamitri, 205 

Dattas, 302 

Dauhshanti, 7 

Davaka, 278, 

D.rcan, 10, 44, 71, 

125, !20, 221, 257, 205, 208,275, 

Dei machos, 157 
Delhi, 08 

Demetrias Polis, 205 
Demetrios, 193, 203, 205, 206, 207, 

209, 225, 226, 311 
Desa, 286 
Devabhumi, 211 
Devabhuti, 2U, 216 
Devachandra, 1 11 
Devacjravas, 6 

Deva Gupta T, 111, 282, 307n 
Deva Gupta, II, 307 
Deva Gupta, III, 309 
Devakiputia, 312 

Devanaihpiya, 100,165 170, 171, 185 
Devanaihpiya Dasaratha, 185 
Devanaihpiya Piyadasi, 159 
Devanaihpiya Tissa, 1 7 I 
Devapala, 296 
Devapi, 85 

Devaputra, 248, 251, MB 
Devaraja, 282 
Devarashtra, 275, 270, 278 
Devas, 1 7 1 

Devavarman, 18+, 186 
Devavata, 6 
Dhamma, 176 
PhaBHMgboto, 171 
Dlmmmaniyama 181 
Dhammavijaya. 161, 169 IT 
Dhammavutas, 77, 178 
Dhana (Nanda), 120, 313 
Dhanabhuti, 271 
Dhauafijaya, 275 
Dhanafijaya Koravya, 68 
Dion, 213. 

Dhanika, 187 
Dhanyavishnu, 300 
Dharma. 179 
Dharmaditya, 281, 281 
Dharmamaharoatras, 157, 177, 179, 

1!M), 192 
Dharmaranyavihara, 162 
Dharuiilsoka, 159, 182 
Dhataraitha of Anga, 55, 71 
Dhauli, 161 
DhavaU, 186 
Dhavalnppadeva, 186 
Dhritarashtra Prince of Ka>i, 11, 

84, 12,17, 7t 
l)hritarash$ra Vaichitravirya, 7 
I)l,riti, 20, 37^ 
Dhruvasvamini, 287 
Dhumrasva, 00. 
Dhvasan Dvaitavana, 29 
Dii^hacharayaiivi, 101, 10;» 
Dighati (Dighiti), 53, 80, 91 
l)i<j;havu 91 

DiVvijaya, 137, 161, 171 
Diodotos 202, 225, 227 
Dionysios, 1d7 
Dioskonri, 236. 
DivodSsa Panchala, 32 
Diva (Dion), 213 
Doab, 69 

Drangiana, 227, ->28 
Dranjjianian house, 233 
DraviVa, 68 
Dravidian, 41 
Dri.'havarman, 55, 102 
Drishadvati, 5, 6 
l.riti, 11, 17,30 
Drona. 197 
Drahyu, 72, 16 
Drupada, 81 
Duminukha, 38 
Dnmmakha Luhchhavi, 63 
Durdhara, 15 + 

Durmukha, 33, ::8, 39, 70, 76 
Durrodhana, £60n 
Dushtamatyah, 1 
Dvaiiaiva, 260 
Dvaitavana, £9 
Dvaraka, 77 
Dwaraka, 267, 




Eastern Chalukva, 299. 

Egypt, 12J, 174, 183 

Eka-Bam liana, 221 

Ekachakra, 3< 

Ekarat, 87, 273 

Ekbatana. 144 

Elilmalai, 140 

Ellore, 276 

Ephori, 153 

E pirns, 174 

Eranj 275, 277, 278, 288, 294, 300, 

EraiM.lapali, 270 

Erandapalla, 275, 276, 278 

Erandol, 278 

Erannobaos, 143 

Erythraean Sea, 232 

Eryx, 125 

Euaspla, 125 

Eudemon, 136 

Eukratides, 205, 206, fc06n, 207, 

208, 209, 225, 226, 227, 260n 
Euthydemia, 205, 226 
Euthydemos, 202, 203, 204. 208, 

209, 22-\ 227 
Euthymedia, 205, 226 

Fei-she-li, 60 

Fo-to-kio-to, 289n, 29 7n, 299 


Furrukhabad, 31 
Fu-li-chih, 60 


Gadara, 7/, 123 

Gaggara, 55 

Ganapati Naga, 256, ^73, 274 

Ganarajas, 63, 65, 107 

Gaiidhara, 23-26, 38-41, 45, 76-77, 
79, 99, 113, 116, 12>ff 135, 142, 
162, 177, 190, 232, 234, 2+2, 243, 
247 n 249, 253, 254. 

Gandhari, 24, 54, 56 

Gangaridae, 120, 135, 155, 164 

Gargi, 23 

Gargya Balaki, 28, 36 

GaiKJas, 503, 305, 308, 309. 

Gaupalayana, 14 

Gautama, Aruna Aupavesi, 27 

Gautami Balasri, 262, 233 

Gautami|)utra, 220ff, 262ff 

Gaya, 57 

Gaya 53, 55, 56, 286, 297, 304 

Gtdrosia, 122, 142, 227 

Ghataka, 2H, 257 

Ghatotkacha 27 2 

Ghatotkacha Gupta, 288 

Gliora An«^irasa, 188, 312 
(iinkshit I V 

Girivraja (in Kekaya), 26, Ml 
Girivraja (in Magadha), 26, 56, 111. 

Glausians, 128 

Gomati Kottaka, 308 

Gondophernes, 229 

Gopalaka, 103 

Gopal \aihidari, 21 I 

Goparaja, 300, 301 

Goptri, 94, 167, 237, 286 

Gorathagiri, 56 

Gosala, 107, 169 

Gotama Buddha, 9, 51, 54, 57, 65, 

81, 116, 169 
Gotama Kahugana, 20 
Govardliana, 311 
Govikartana, 88 
Govinda Gupta, 286, 287 
Grahavaiman 307 
Gramabhritaka, 154 
Gramani,'86, 88, 91, 92 
Gramavnddha, 134 
Gramikas, 91, 92, 104, 151, 154, 286 
Gunabhara, 172 

Guuakhya Sankhayana 9, 10, 18 
Gupta, Maharaja, 272 
Guraeans, 12') 
Gurjara, 62 
Gusana, 244 
Guttas, 310 



Hagamasha, 238 

Havana, 238 

Haihaya, 75, 118 

Hairanvanabha. 5 1 

Hakus'iri, 223 

Hapsburg, 93 

Hariscbandra, 50, 5>, 192, 313 

Harishena King, 310 

Harishena, Prasastikara, 277, 281 

Harivarman, 304 

Haro, 24 

Harsha, 55, 290, 295, 306ff 

Harsha Gupta, 303, 304 

Hasti, 126, 135, 180 

Hastin, 301 

Hastinapura, 6, 11, 13, 15, 30, 67,09 

1 1 a-ti v;uin:in, 275, 276n 

Hatthipura, 67 

Heliodoros, 213, 226 

Heliokles, 200, 206ff, 226 

Hellas, 124 

Hemachandra, king, 60 

Hephaestion 126 

Hermaios, 206, 229, 236, 243, 245, 

247, 251 
Hidus, 123 
Hima, 248 
Himavanta, 48, 83 
HiranyanSbha, 36, 51, 52, 81 
Hiranyavali, 64 
Hiung-nu, 230, 245, 24<*» 
Hohenzollern, 93 
1 1 unas, 256, 291 ff, 300ff. 306 
Hushkapura, 254 
Huvishka, 249, 254 
Hvdaspes, 135, 136, 138, 227. 


Ibbyagrama, 30 

Ikhnaton, 183 

Ikshvaku, 20, 36, 49ff, 69, 61, 71, 

118, 192 
Iudapatta, see Indraprastha 
Indo-Greek, 215 
Indo-Scythia, -39, 240 
Indradyumna, 27 
Indm Jyeshtha, 89 
lndra Mitra, 211 
Indrapalitfl, 184, 185 
[ndraprastha, Indapatta, 1 ndapattana 

12, 15,4 7, 68, 69, 99, 172, 173 
Indrasena, 2 

Indravarma, 238 

lndra Vritrahan, 29 

I nil rot a Daivapa (Daivapi) Saunaka, 

3, 11, 14, 17, 18, 30, 
In-mo-fu, 230, 235 
Tsanavartnan, 305 
Ishukara, 69 
Isila, 166 

Tsvaradatta, 269 

Isvarasena, 265 

Isvaravarman, 304 
TthijhakamahSmJUras, 167 
Itthasas, 13 


Jabala, 27 

Jaivali, 33, 70, 92 

Jala Jatukamva. 34 

Jala ilka, 1 8 O 93 

Jambudvipa, 47, 99, 189, 226 n. 

Janaka, ii, 8, 15-23, 26-31,33.36 

90, l»8, 191 
Janakapur, 59 
JanakavainSa, 20, 21, 37 

Janamejava ii, 2, 3, 5, 8-18, 76, 89- 

91, 311 
•Tana SiiikarJlksbya, 2 7 
JanaSruti, 84 
Jarasandha, 57 
Jftratkarava, 23 
.lava (Itihasa), 13 
Jayadfiman, 240, 259,260, 267. 
Javadatta, 300 



Jethamitra, 211, 212 
Jettuttara, Jetuttara, 99, 180 
Jihunia, 238 
Jinaprabhasuri, 185 
Jivadaman, 209 
Jivaka, 103 

Jivita Gupta I, 302, 303 
Jivita Gupta 11. 308, 309 
Jiyasattu, 99, 100 
Jfiatrikas, 59 
Jushka, 249, 254 


Kabul, 122. 125, 136, 142,162, 193, 

204, 225, 229 ff, 254, 256, 285 
Kacha, 273, 281 
Kaclichha, 46, 267 
Kadambas, 197, 219, 266, 309 
Kadphises I, 247 ff, 314 
Kadphises II, 248 ff, 314 
Kabola Kaushitaki, 9, 23 
Kaikevi, 27 
Kaisara, 255 
Kakas. 279, 280 
Kakavarua, 112, 113, 118 
Kakshisena, 2, 4, 14, 15 
Kakshaseni, 4, 14 
Kakuda Kachchayana, 9 
Kakusthavarman, 309 
Kalachampa, 54 
Kalamas, 97, 98 
Kalara Jauaka, 39, 45 
Kalasena, 52 
Kalasoka, 1 1 1 ff . 
Kalidasa, 43 
Kalioga, 38, 41, 42, 43, 59, 74, 10+, 

115 ff. 151, 160 ff, 169 ff, 195 ff, 

199, 201 
Kalirigaoagara, 223 
Kallara, 255 ». 
Kailiope, 206 
Kalsigiama, 204 
Kamandaka, 311 
Kamarupa, 278, 295, 306, 308 
Kamboja, 23, 45, 77-78, 122, 126, 

152, 162, 177, 190 
Karbchanapura, 42 
Kampilya, Kampilla, 31, 33, 69, 70, 

Kamsa of Kosala, 80 
Karhsa of Mathura, 73 
Kauakhala, 28 
Kanehi, 173, 275, 276 

Kanishka, 249 ff. 

Kauishka II, 255 

Kanfcakasodhana, 168 

Kant'ha, 28, 129 

Kanvas, 188, 211, 215 ff. 224 

Kanyaknbja, Kanauj, 70, 193, 307 

Kapatika, 153 

Kapilavastu, 48, 81, 97, 98, 99 

KapiSa, 122, 206m, 208, 230, 235, 

237, 245, 248, 250, 255, 257 
Kapsa, 245 

Kapya Patanchala, 1 6, 27 
Karanr.'u, 38, 41, 70 
Karddamaka, 233, 266 
Karua, 77, 79 

Karnasuvarna, 164, 303 308 
Kaniata, 276, 2 7 7 
Kartripura, 279 
Karusha, 44 
Karuvaki, 181,184 
Kasi, 14, 19, 23, 28, 33-36, 39, 40, 

45-48, 67, 75, 79, 81, 100 ff, 297, 

Ka«ia, 64 
Kasiputra Bhagabhadra, 212, 213, 

Kasmira. 27, 76, lfi>, 163, 184, 192, 

193, 230, 232, 240, 253 ff, 299, 301 
Kaspeiroioi, 239, 240 
Kasu Chaidya, 66 
Kasyapas, 1 1 
Kathaioi 28, 128 
Kaundineya, Kaundinya, 41 
KaurAla, 275, 276* n. 
Kausambi, Kosambi, 6, 18, 15, 80, 

81, 51, 55, 67, 68, 109, 162, 166, 

Kausiki, 5 

Kautilya. 121, 139, 311 
Kavandhi Katvayana, 9 
Kavasheya, 2, 8, 11, 17, 18, 311 
Kaviraja, 281 



Kekaya, 21, 23, 26-17 

Ken, tin 

Kerali, 276 

Kesaputta, 97, 98 

Kesins, 32, 98 

Ketalaputo, 172-174 

Kevatta, 70 

Khandava, 5 

Khara'osta, 238, 241 

Kharapallana, 253 

Kharaparikas, 279, 280 

Kharavala, 115, 119, 161, 199, 200, 

217, 221 ff. 
Khasa, 62 
Khshayarsha, 124 
Kieu-tsieu-kio, 245 IT. 
Kikata, 56 

King-maker. 86, 91. 92 
Kingship, 82 ff. 
Ki-pin, 229 ff. 233, 285, 245 2ff, 255, 

Kirata, fcS 
Kirtivarman, 304 
Kleophis, 125 
Koh-i-Mor, 126 
Kolivisa, 91 
Koliyas, 97, 98 
Kollaga, 59 
Kolleru, 276 n. 
Konfikainana, 180 
Koravya, Kauravya, 12, 69, 131 
Kosala (North), 9, 19, 21, 23, 34, 

36, 45, 48ff, 79ff, 98, lOOff. 
Kosala (?<outh), 251, 262, 275 
Kosar, 140 
Kotakula, 275 
Kotatavi, 275 
Kotivarsha, 286 
KoHura, 275, 276 
Kraivya, 33 

KramSditya, Kumara Gupta II, 297 
Kramaditya, Skanda Gupta, 259, 292, 

Krishna Gupta, 303 
Krishna Sa-tavahana, 221 
Krishna V&sudeva, 73, 290, 312 
Kptamala. 172 
Kpti, 20, 37 

Krivi, 31. 32 

Kshaharata, 233, 257ff. 

Kshatnp*. 233,237, 240,268,2571, 

266ff, 280 
Ksh-inaka, 68 

Kslmdrakas, 122, 131, 134, 135 
Kshudra Parishad, 148 
Kukura, 26-', 267 
Kumara, 151, 158«, 184, 194, 195, 

210«, 217// 
Kumaradevi (Gaharwar Queen), 

KumSradevi, 272 
Kumara Gupta I, 288 
Kumara Gupta II, 296, 298ff. 
Kumara Gupta III, 302ff. 
Kumara Gupta, Prince, 295, 306 
Kumaramatya, 210, >86, 287 
Kumarapala, ' r> 
Kumbhavati, 43 
Kunala, 184, 185/ 195 
Kurujag ama, Kundapura, 59 
Knnrjina, 41 

Kunika, 53, 65, 10 Iff, 13 t 
Kuritala, 119, 219, 222, 265, 277, 

Kuntala Satakarni, 219 
Kuru jangala, 5 
Kurukshetra, 3, 5, 6, 7, 12, 14, 29, 

Kururattha, 33, 69 
Kurus 1,1, 5, 7, 12, 14ff, 23, 27ff, 

45, 68, 68, 78,83,811,312 
Kurush, 122 
Kusadhvaja, 20 
Kusa<*arapura, 56 
Kusavati, 61, 65 
Kushans, 2+5ff 
Kusambas, 224 

Knsinara, 49, 62, 64, 65, 97, 99 
Kusthalapura, 276 
Kufiri, 18 
Kusulaa, 238 
Kusuma)>ura, 109, 111 
Kuvera, 275 

Kuveranftya, 2S3, 287, 290, 29] 
Kuvula Kadphisi 314 

Kuyulakara Kaphsa 24 7 3U 



Lacedaemonians, 132, 131* 
Lad ha, 46 
Lagaturman, 255« 
Laghman, 230 
Lahyayani, 23 
Lajjfi, 290 
Lakshmana, 02 
Lakshmana Sena, 241 
Lalaka, 223w 
Lalitapatan, 1(53 
Lampa, 78 
Lampaka, 230 
Laodike, 200, 207 

Labavishaya, 286 

Lelihakas, 1 It), 150 

Liaka, '37, 238 

Libya, 123 

Lichehhavis, 40, 50-65, 101, 106, 

107, 151, 72, 305 

Likhita, 192 

Little Rapti, 64 

Lohicdicl.a, 81 

Lohitva, Lauhitya, 295, 301, 302, 306 

London, 49 

Lumminigama, 162 

Lysias, 206, 226 


Madanapala, 296 

Madda, 103 

Miidhava Gupta, 295, 306, 308 

Madhavasena, 198, 199 

Madhavavarman II, 304 

Madhumanta, 43 

Madhura, Uttara, 73 

Madhyadesa, Majjhimadesa, 24, 27, 

28, 53, 79, 137, 152, ;87, 2(8, 

220,232, 298, 308,309, 312 
Madhyamika, 131, 202, 205 
Madra, 16, 23, 27, 79, j>79, 280 
Madravati, 3 
Madura, 172, 173 
Maga, 175 
Magadha, 8, 26. 28, 45, 46, 53ff, 79, 

81,91, 97ff, 223, 224, 271, 272, 

295, 304, 305. 309 
Magadhapura, 56 
Magandiya, 102 
Mahabaladhikrita, High Officer in 

Charge of the Army, 285 
Mahabhoja, 72, 165 
Mahabisi, 164 

Mahadari(janayak», general, 285, 287 
Mahiijanaka I, 22 
Mahajanaka II, 21, 22, 38 
Mahajanapadas 45ff 
Mahakachchana, 73 
Mahakantara, 275, 278 
Mahakosala, King, 45, 46, 52, 81, 82 

Mahalakshmidevi, 298 

Mahali. 63 

Mahfimatras, 146, 156, 101, l66ff, 

177ff, 195, 210/* 
Mahanandin, 110, 115 
Maliapadma, 8,115,116, 117, 122, 

109, 201, 273, 282m 
Mahapratihara, 287 
Maharajya, 87 

Maharashtra 165, 257ff, 280 
Maharat his, i65 
Mahasala, 27 
Mahasammata, 60 
Mai asena, Pradyota, 58, 103 
Mahasena Gupta, 306, 307 
Mahasenapati, 25 7 
Mahasilakantaga, 107 
MahasudassanA, 64 
Mahavira, 47, 55, 59, 63, 107, 108, 

Mahendra Maurya, 158, 175, 184 
Mahendra, :?75 

Mahendraditya, 288, 289, 299, 300 
Mahendragiri, 160, 275, 276 
Mahendrara'a II, 296 
Mahinda, 9, 18 
Mal.ipala 1,291 
Mahiaht, 85, 88 
Mahismati, 72, 75, 262, 267 
Maho^aya, 07 
Makhadeva, 21 



M&lava, 46, 261, 279, 295 

Malaya 46 

Malayas, 258, B61 

Malichos 266» 

Malini, "> I 

Malla, 45, 46, 6+, 65, 67, 151, 176, 

Mallakis, 68, 65, 107 
Mallika, 101 
Malloi, 181, 185 
Mamala 262 
Mambarns. 233, 258 
Mlin-'avva 192 
Mangala, 170 
Manignl, 288 
Maniyatappo, 314 
Mantaraja, 27") 
Mantrin, 147, 285 
Mantiiparishad. 148, 166, 210, 286 
Marutta, 84, 90 
Maski, 189 
Massaga, 125, 135 
Mataehi, 14, 30, 31 
Mathava, 20, 21, 38 
Mathnra, Methora, 42, 7 Iff, 172, 

173, 187, 204, 211, 212, 224, 

23 Iff, 237 ff, '?55 
Matila, 273 
Matrivishnu, 286, 300 
Matsva 23, 28, 29, 45, 71, 78, 79 
Manes 228, 23: ff 
Maukharis, 297, 304ff 

Manrya, iv, 8, 110, 121, 139ff 

Medes, 122 

M - tsthenes, 143, 145, 147. 150, 

16'», 165, 173, 18* 
Meghavarna, 281 
Menander, 203ff 
Mevaki, 232, -2.", 1 
Mihiraknla, 297, 299, 301 
Miliml.i B« j e Menander 
Min, 233 
Minnagari 232ff 
Mithradates, Mithridates, 205, 406, 

226, 227 
Mithi, 19, 20 
Milhila, 16, 19ff, 37ff, 47, 49, 54, 

60, 70, 86,99, 100 
Ultra Kings, 211, 212 
Mlechchhas 292 
Moga 232 ff. 
Moli 46 
Molini 33 

Moriyas 97, 99, 138, 139, 188 
Monsikanos, 132, ff. 
Mrigadhara, 101 
Mrigasikhftvana, 271 
Muchipa, Mfitiba, Muvipa, 44,45 
MujSvant, 24,54,56 
Mnlaka, 74,262' 
Mnnda, 110,111,116 
Munrjas, ^53 
Mnt'ivakala, 200,201 
Mimiri'ja, 233,280 


Nabataeans, 266 n. 
Nabhaga. 60 
Nabhaka, 163 
N;il)hapamti, 163 
Nachne-ki-talai, 277 
Nadasi-Akasa. 238 
Naga, 75, 220, 250, 255, 256, 274, 
283, 8' 4 
Nagabhat(a, 255 
NagaDasaka, 110, 111, 116 
Nagadatta, 273 
Xagakharu'a, 141 
N;i U 'ala ViyohalakS, 166 
N&ganika, Nayanika, 223 
Nagarabhukti', 286 

Nagaradhyaksha, 150 
Nagarjuna, 251, 254 
Nagarjnni, Hill 185, 295 
Nagasahvaya (Hastinapura), 
Nagasena, J*age, 226 n. 
Nagasena, king, 273, 274 
Nagnajit (Naggaji, Naggati) 38, 3», 
41, 73, 76, 77,90 
Nahapana, 248, 257, 258, 259, 261 
Nahusliva 7 
Nakhavant, 256, 274 
Naknh-i-Rnstam, 123 
Nakula, 12 
Nalanda, 300 
Nambanns, 233, 258 



Nami, Nimi, I :'-M, 87-41, 70, 76 

Nanda 8,»7, 115 ff, 200, 201, 217 ff, 

Naudi, 255 

Nandi, king, 273, > 74 
Nandivardhana, 110, \U ff, 201 
Na-pei-kea, 163 
Narada, 41, 90, 131, 281 
Narasim ha Gupta Balalitya, 297 
Naravarman, 270 
Naiayana Kanva, 215 
NarayaiiapSla, 290 
Nfsik PraSasti, 221, 229 
Navadhyaksha, 151 
Navanara, 264 
Ngansi, 229, 24-7 
Nichakshu, 6, 13, 15, 16, 30,31, 67 

Nichchhivi, 62 
Nichyas, 82 
Nidhanapur, 306, 308 
Nigantha Nstaputta, I 69 
Nigliva, 163, 180 
Nikaia, 186 
Nllapalli, 276 
Nllaraja, 275, 276 
Nirgranthas, 169 
Nirvana era, 117 
Nishada, 267 
Nisibi, 61 
Nisrishtartha, 149 
Niyoga, 312 
Nyagrodhavana, 99 
N)sa, 126 


Odruka, 212 
Ohind, ^56 
Okkaka, 64, 8 '» 
Olympian Games, 87 
Omphis, 127 
Orissa, 42 
Orosius, 131, 226 
Orthagnes, 243 

Ossadioi, 132 
Otthaddha, 63 
Oudh, 36, 48, 205, 288 
Oxus, 2 >7, 246, 249, 255 
Oxvdrakai, 131, 135 
Oxykanos, 133 
Ozene, 266 

Pads, 174 

Psdanjali, 85 

Padha, 46 

Padika, 240 

Padmavati, city, 256, 274 

Padmava'i, queen, 102 

Pahlavas, iii, 242, 244, 26.', 265, 268 

Pakores, 243 

Pakthas, 130 

Paktvike, 123 

Pakudha, 9 

Palaesimundu, 173 

Palagala, 88 

Pala^ali, 85 

Palaka, 103, 109, IP, 313 

Palakka, PAlakkada, 275, 276 

Palibothra, Palimbothra, 118, 113 
Palibothri, 164 

Pallava, 265, 276, 281 

Panchala, 23,27-29, 31-33, 45, 69- 

71, 78,83, 9', 187,211,212 
Pandaia, 1 73 

Pan.avas, 4, 12, 28, 33, 312 
Pandoouoi, 172, 279 
Parous, 1, 4, 5, 12, 13, 
Pan.Jva, 46, 172, 173, 174, 175, 

2. '4 
Panku, 241 
1 antaleon, 225 

Para Atiwa, 38, 51, 52, 90,10 4 

Paiakramanka, 273, 282 

Parantapa, 68 

Parasamudra, 173 

Parasika, 2ti<I 

PariisurRma, :'21 Iff, 311 



Pankshitas, 1 ff 

Parishad, 92, 148, 165, 166, 178, 

Paiivakra, ParichakrS, 31 
Parivraiaka, Maharajas, 277, 294, 

295, 301, 
ParivriJjikas, 153 
Parivrikti, 85 
Priyatra, 262, 267 
Parkliam, 108 
Paniadatta, 293, 2'.» * 
Paropanisadai, 142 
Parfiva, 47, 76 
Partha (Arjuna) 301 
Partha, 299 
Parthalis, 160 

Parthians, 205, 226 ff, 241, ff, 
Pasenadi, See Prasenajit 
Patalene, 133, 203 
Pataliputra. 99, 106, 109, 111, 113, 

148, 162, 185, 197, 25', 284. 
Patamcliala, 26, 27 
Pataiijali, 12, 01 ff 
Patika. 237, 238, 240, 241 
Pativedaka, 166, 168, 178 
Patna Statues, 110,113, 115 
Patrokles, 157 
Paudanya, 75 

Paulushi Satyayajtia, 17, 27 
Paumavai, 100 
Paurava 67 

Paura VviUaharika, 166 
Pava, 65, 97 
Peisisttatus, 73 
Persepolis, 123, 145 
Persian, 122, ff, 2 CO 
Peshawar, &4, 126, 242 ff 
Pettanika, 105 
Peukelaoti--, 24, 125 
Pl.iladelphos, ,57, 174 
Philip of Macedon, 65 
PhilippM, 136 
Philopator, 206 n. 
Phraotes, 2 12, 243 
Phrvni, 204 
Pin'ola, 102,314 
Pipptllda, 36 

Pipphalivana, 97, 99, 138, 139 
Pishtapura, Pithapnram, 275, 270 
Pivadasi, 159, 183 
Podivil Hill, 140,164 

Poho, 26 
Polasapur 100 
Poros, 127, 134ff 
Po-ta, 247 

;;°; a,i 142,74,75 

PotanaJ ' 

Prabhakaravardhana, 295, 306, 307 

Prabhavati, 83, 288 

Prachamta, Pratyanta, 172, 278 

Prachina£a'a, 27 

PrSchya, 82, 151, IV! 

Prachva Paiichilla, 31 

Pradeshtris, 153, 154, 168, 81 I 

Pradesikas, Pralesika>. 166, 1(58,177 

Pradyota, 57, 58, 76, 102, 103, 108 ff. 

Praesti, 133 

Prakasaditya, 297, 

Prakatalitya, 298, 

Pramaganda, 56, 57 

Praiiava, 268 

Prarjunas, 279, 280 

Prasenajit (Pasenadi), 49, 51, 52, 81 

100 ff. 
Prasians Prasii, 120, 135, 143, 151, 

1 04 
Piatardana, 34, 40 
Pratichya, 82 
Pratiharas, 62, 296 n 
Partipa, 2, 7 
Pratishthana, 204 
Pravahana Jaivali, 33, 70, 92 
Pravarasena I, 277, 281 
Pravarasena II. 10 
Prithivishena I, 277, 278 
Prithivishena II, 277 
Prithivishena, mantrin, 288 
Proti Kausambeya, 31, (57 
Ptolemy, Geographer, 23'.', 257, 266 
Ptolemy, historian, 128 
Ptolemy, King, 157, 174 
I'ukkusnti, 77, 103, i 10, 117 
PulakeSin, II 172 
Pulika 57, 76 
Pulinda nng-ini, 44, 165 
Pnlindas, 41, 45, If,;, 
Pulisa, 166, 168 
Pulumayi, 261 ff 
Pulusha Praehinayogva, 17, 30 
Punarabhisheka, SO, 8'», 91, 93 
Pundravardhana, 164, 2S«, 288 299 
Pnpphavati, 33 



Pura Gupta, 290, 296, 297 
Purnavarman, 187, 295 
Purohita, 88, 191 
Purus, 7, 51, 72 
Purukutsa, 50, 51 
Pururavas, 7, 84 
Purushapura, 253, 254 

Pushkara vati, 24, lo I 
Pushpabhuti, 295, 306, 807, ff 
Pushpapura, 187 
Pushyadharman, 184, 186 
Pushy agupta, 141, 162 
Pushyamita, 184, 186, 107 ff 
Pushvaniitras, 289 ff 


Ra.'ha, 46 

Radhagupta, 158 

Ra.hapuri, 303 

Rahamusala, 107 

Raliugana, 20 

Rahu]a,5l, 52 

Rajagriha (Kekaya), 26 

RAjagfiha (Magadha); 26, 53, 58, 97, 

9*9, 103, 103, J06 v 112, 183, .00, 

228, 224 
Rajagriha (Balkh), 26 
Kfijakartri, Rajakrit, 86, 91, 92 
Rajapura (Kaliriga), 42 
Rajapura (Kamboja), 77, 78, 162 
Rajapurushas, 168 
Rajasasana, 146 
Rajastamlayana, 18 
Rajasuya, 84, 88 
Rajjugahaka, 167, 168 
Raj'juka, Rajukas, 166ff, 177ff, 190ff 
Rajuvula, 211 
Ra'jyapala, 290 
Rajyasri, 307 

Rajyavardhana, 2i*5, 306ff 
Rama, 36, 50, 62 
Ramagama, 97 
Ramnpala, 296 
Rani in a city, 83 
Ranabliat.dagara, 287 
Ksifijuhula, 238ff 
Rapti, 49 

Rashtrapala. 120, 153, 167 

Kashtrikas, 164, 165, 177, 190 

Rashtrija, 141, 152«, 15.1 

Rathagritsa, 14, 15 

Rat n in, 88 

Rerm, 41,42, 74 

Revottaras Patava Ohakra Sthapati, 

Riksha, 7 

Rishabhadatta, 165 
Rishigiri, 56 
Rituparna, 50, 51, 52 
Rohini, 98 
Rohita, 50, 52 

Romakas, Rome, iii, 39, 48, 84 
Roruka, 99 
Rudra, 265 
Rudrabhuti, 269 
Rudradaman 1, 152, 239, 240, 250, 

254, 259ff, 265ff 
Rudradaman II, 269 
Rudradeva, 273 
Rudrasena I, Kshatrapa, 269 
Rudrasena II, „ 269 

Rudrasena I, Vakataka, 277 
Rudrasena II, 256,*277, 282, 283 
Rudrasirhha I, 269 
Rudrasirhha III, 269 
Rudiayana, 99 
Rummindei, 168, 180 
Rupadarsaka, 150 


Saba, 283, 285 

Sabaras, 44, 45 
Sab*rmati, 207 

Sabda, 268 
Sacae, 227 

Sacarauli, 227 
Sacastane, 228n 

Sachiva, 146, 147, 198, 285 
Sada-ohandra, 274 

Sadaganna, 222 



Sadanira. 19, 20, 36, 48 

Sasrala, Sagalanagara, 27, 99, 204, 

Sagaradvipa, 203 
Sagarika, 102 
Sahadeva Panda va, 12 
Sahadeva Sarnjaya, 60 
Sahadeva father of Somaka, 39, 41 
Sahadeva son of Jarasandha, 57 
Sahadeva of Yaisali, 60 
Sahasranika, 68 
Saheth Mabeth, 49 
Sahi, 23 1 
Sai, 230 
Sai river, 48 

Saisunaga, 57, 114, 115, 116, 117, 

Saivisrn, 255 

Sai-wang, 230 

Saka, iii, 227, 228, 230, 231, 
232, 233, 23+, 235, 237, 239, 240, 
241,24-2, 243, 215. 250, 252, fc68, 

257, 258, 261, 262, 265 
Sakaera, 239, 248, 251, 252,253, 

258, 261, 2*50 

3aka Kshatrapa, 211, 206, 270, 28 i 

£akala, 27, 204, 205, 225, 226, 280 

Sakalva, 23, 

Saka Mnrnn<>, 230, 280 

Saka Pahlava, 242, 252, 253 
Sakasena, 265 

&akasthana, 228, 231, 232, 233, 241 

Saka Yavana, iii, 134, 262 

Saketa, 49, 52, 53, 54, 99, 102, 187, 

202, 205, 25.1 
Sakiaditva 289, 299, 300 
Sftkti Sri. 
Sakvamnni, 74, 167, 210, 25 1 

sVikvas, 18, 49, 51, 81, !>7, 98, 100, 

101, 151, 152, 159 
Salisnka, 181, 185, ISC, 187. lUfln 

Salivahana. 220 

Salva, 28, 2!>, 78 
Samahartri, 148, 154, 168 
Samajas, 171, 175, 176, 181 
Samapa, i61, 162, 106 
Samarkand. 22 7 

Samatata, 164, 278 

Samavati, 102 

Samavayo, 182 

Sambalpur, 275 

Sambastai, 131 

Sambhnttara, 46 

Sambodhi, 180n 

Sambos, 133, 134 

Sambnla, 35 

Siimdhivigrahika, (Minister of Peace 

and War, 286 
Samgiamadeva, 299 
Sarhgiama Simha, 139, 313 
Sumti, !>2 

Sam karavard liana, 299 
Samkassa (Sarikasva), 99 
Sariikshobhi., 294,*295, 301 
Sampadi, 184, 185 
Samprati, 184, 185, 186 
Samraj, Samrat, 82, 83, 84, 89 
Samrajya, 82, 83, 86, 87 
Sarristliah, 153 
Sariitanu, 7, 85 
Sninudaya, 168 
SamndraGnpla, 231,256, 273ff, 281, 

282, 292, 297 
Satnndravijaya, 57 
Sanakamkas, 279, 280 
Sanoharali, 153 
Saiichi, 212, 222, 279 

Sftgdilya, 18 

Sandrokottns, 137, 138 
Sangaeus, 134 
S:m<rala, 129 
Sangata, 184, 185 
Sarighadaman, 269 
Sarighamnkhya, 73 
SmiLrhaiama, 109 
San jaya of Mayadha, 113 
>afijaya of Panchala, 70, 71 
Sanjayaof Pn.shkaravati, 134 
S5njivi|nUra, 18 
S&Akify*, 20 
Sankhyayaka, 150 

Sankhavana, 9, 10, ;8 
Sannidhatri, 148 
Sa;>a ((Coronation oath), 87 
Sapedmnes, 2 \"> 

>;i|.|,Ala. 51 
Sapya, 20, 38 


Saraganus, 221, 222 

Saraostos, -.'03 

Sarasvati, 5,6, 7, 80, 20, bit, |o S . 

17»i, 280 
Sarayu, 36, 41) 
Sardulavarman, 304 

J?arkarakshy, 27 
SarpaNbtra, 10, 17 

Sarpika, 48 

Sarvabhauma, SarvabhQmi, 10, 87,90 

Sarvanaga, 293 

Sarvavannan, 305 

Saryaijavaut, 5 

Sarvata, 90 

gasaiika, 307, 308 
Sasas, 213 

Satadhanvan, 184, 186 
Satahaui rattha, 220 

SYitakarni I, 221, 222 
Satanika, of Kansambi, 55, 68 
Satanika Satrajita, 14, 34, 47, 90 
Satanika son of Janamejaya, 13, 17, 

Satavahani, 165, 214, 216, 262, 280 
Satavahani-hara, 220 
Satavastra, 243 
Satiyaputra, I72ff 
Satrasaha, 32, 33 
Satri, '53 

Satrughna, 26 

Sattabhu, 41, 74, 90 

Satvats, Satvatas, 42, 7 Iff, 75, 82 

Satvata vidhi, ".12 

Satyayajna, 17, 27, 30 

Saubhuti (Sopeithes, Sophytes), 128 

Saudyumni, 7 

Saunaka, lndrota Daivapa, i, 11, 14, 

17, 30 
Saunaka Kapeya, 14 
Sauvira 205, 3 1 
Savatthi (gravasti in Kosala), 9, 47, 

49, 5 Iff, 99ff 
Savita Satvaprasava, 88 
Scvlax, 123 
Scythians iii, 131, 227i 232, -233, 

237, 241 ; 243,257,271 

Seleukos, 138, 141ff, 157, 187, 193, 

Senani, 88 

Senapati, 1 16, I5«n, 197, 198, 313 
S.niya, 97, 101, 106 
Seres, 204 
Setak&nnika, 220 
Seyanaga, 106 
Seyaviy5 27 

Sibi, Siboi, *&, 130, 131 
Sibyrtios, 143 

SiddhSrtha, father of Mahavira, 59 
Siddh&rtha, (Bnddha), father of 

Rahula, 51, 52 
Sigal, 228n 
Sigerdis, 203 
Si ha, 63 
Sihapura, 67 

Sikhanriin, 32 

Sikharasvamin, 285 

Siladi'.ya Dharmaditya, 297 

Silaka S&lavatya, 33 

Silavat, 105 

Silavati, 86 

Simhala, 280 
Simuka, 214, 216ff, 2 2 Iff 
Sindho (Indus), 23, 31 
Sindha (in C. India), 205, 212 
Sindhu-Sauvira, 250, 267, 268 

Sindimana, 133 
Sinthus, 232 
Siradhvaja, 20, 21, 37 
Siii-Vaddha, 101 
Sisik ottos (Sasigupta), 134 

Sisunaga (SusunSga), 57, 58, 11 Off, 

Sisun a ndi, 211, 214 
Sita, 19ff, 36 
Sivas, Sivis, 130, 131 
Siva Gupta, 271 
Siva Nandi, 274 
Siva Skanda Gupta, 271 
Siva Skanda Varman, 220, 281 
Siva Sri, 265 
Skanda Gupta, 167, 289ff 

3 16 


Skanda Ni5ga, -257 

Skanda Naga Sa'aka, 211), 220 

Skandasvati, '219 

So.'asa, 238ff 

Sodrai, 13?, 136 

Sogdiana, 124, 227, 233 

Soked, 253 

Solanki, 304 

Somadatta of VaiSali, 60 

Somaka Sahadevya, :j9, 41, 60 

Somaaarman, 184, 186 

Somasushma Satyayajni Prachina- 

. yogya, 17, 18, 30 

Sona, 33 

Sonadanr.ta, 104 

Sona Kolivisa, 91 

Sophagasenus, 193 

Sotthisena, 35 

Sotthivatinagara, 66 

Spalagadama, 228 

Spalahora, 2. '8 

Spalirises, 228, 229, 235, 236 

Sourasenoi, 71 

Sraishthya, 87 

SrSvasti (SSvatthi), 9, 47 ff, 253 

Sravastibhukti, 286 

Srenika, 55, 97 

Srichandra Sati, 265 

Srigupta, 271, 272 

ori Ilaridasa, 271 

Srikantha, 295, 306 

Srinagari, 162 

Sriii jaya of VaiSalf, 60 
Srinjayas, 3', 93, 311 

Sri Pratapa, 288n 

Sri Ssta, 265 

Sri Vatsa Devi, 2 7 

Srutasena 2ff, 13, 15, 90 

Sthanika, 154, 168 

Sthapati, 93 

Strategos, 235, 237 

Stratos, 206, 208, 209, 225, 241, 

Stryad byi kshaa, 1 6 7 
Subhagasena, 193 
Suchandra, 60 

Suchivrikfiha, 14 
Sudas, Sudasa, 29, 32, 90, 1:30 
Sudarsana Lake, 141, 268. 294 
Sudassana, 33 

Suddhodana, 51, 52 

Siie Vihar, 253 

Sugriva, iii 

Sujyestha, 21 1 

Sukalpa, 119 

Suke£a Bharadvaja, 36, 51, 81 

Suktimati, oukti Sithvaya, city, 66 

Suktimati, river, 66 

S.ikulideSa, 286 
Sumana, 157 
Sumati of Vaisali, 60 
Surfapumaragiri, 68, 97, 99 
Sunakkhatta, 63 

Surigas, 188, 192, 193, 196ff, 21 Off, 

221ff, 229, 271 
Snplan Sariijaya, 60 

Surapala, 1 14 
Sura Parichara, 223 
Suraraja, 83 

Siiraseriakas, 29, 45, 71-74, 78, 79, 

99, 118, 173 
Smash tra, 40, 141, 152, 155, It. 5. 

267, 280, 282, 283, 286, 293 
Surasmichandra, 300 

Smavarman I, 299 

Suravarman II, 299 

Siirparaka, 165, 258 
Surundhana, 33 
Suryavarman, 305 
SuSarman, 215, 216, 218 
Sushena, 2 
Susima, 157, 158 

Suakaletra, 162 

Susthita varman, 295, 306 

Sutasoma, 69 

Suvarna bhumi, 54, 175 

Suvarnagiri, 151, 162, 164, 166, 

Suvastu (Suwat), 24, 126 
Suvisakha, 268 

Suyasas, 184, 185 
Svablira, 267 
Svamidatta, 275 


Svarajya, 8 iff, 87 
Svarat, 8 -J 
Svarjit, 77 
S\avasya, 87 

Svetaketu, 17, ^5, 33, 84, 92 

Synndika, 48 

Syrastrene, 239 
Syria, 157, 174, 202 

Tacitus, i 

Ta-hia, 22 7, 230, 245, 246, 

Takebasila, Taxila, 10, 2 Iff, 70 

l.M, 126, 131, 144, 151, 156, 
162, 166, 177, 183, 194ff, 

225, 226, !32ff 
Talagund, S09 
Talajanghas, 76 
Tambapamni, Tamraparni, 

1/3, 175 
Tamraparni, river, 172 
Tamralipti, 161 
Taprobane, 173 
Tarquius, 39 
Tathagata, iii 

Tathagata Gupta, 297, 300 
Tel, 44, 165 
Telavaha, 44, 165 
Telingiri, +4, 165 
Teutoburg Forest, 137 
Theodotus, -202 
Thucydides, i 
Tiastanes, 266 
Tiberius, 248 
Tien-tchou, 247ff. 255 
Tikshna, 153 


, 93, 


Ti-lo-shi-kia, 109 

Tirabhukti, 286, 287 

TishyarakshitS, 189 

Tissa, 174 

Tivara, 181, 184 

Tochari, 227, 

Toramana, 300 

Tosali, 1*51, 16 Iff, 184, 195 

Tou-mi, 244, 246 

Tours, 137 

Trasadasvu, 50ff, 

Tripuri Vishaya 286, 294, 301 

Trisala, 59, 62, 63 

Trisama, 203u, 205 

Trisariku, 50 

Tryaruna, 50 

Tukharas, 22, 7 

Tumain, Tumbavana, 288 

Tumburu, 281 

Tundikeras, 76 

Tur'a Kavasheya, 2, 3, 11, 17, 18, 

Turamaya, 175 
Turghna, 5 

Turva^as, Turvasas, 32, 72 
Tushaspha, 165, 166 


Uchchaihsravas, 7, 33 

Udaka, 212,213, 224 

Uda-iakupa, 286, 287 

Udaya of Kasi, 48 

Udaya of Magadha, 109 

Udayana, 15, 55, 67, 68, 98, 102, 

103, 8] 1 
UddSlaka Arnni, 8, 9, 17, 21, 23ff, 

27, 31, 35, 36 
Udichyas, 28, 83 
Ugrasenu, Mahapadina, 117, 118, 

122, 136, 275 

Uiirasena Parikshita, 2, 3, 4, 13, 15, 

Ujjain, 75, 99, 144, 151, 156, 162, 
166, 177, 184, 186, 195, .96, 
239, 266, 268, 280, 283, 284, 310 

Ulysses, 183 

Unmattavanti, 299 

Upagupta, 305 

Upali, 9, 18 

Upaplavya, 29 

Upirichara, 57, 66, 67, 223 

Uparika Maharaja, 279/286, 287, 300 



Uragapura, 172 

Uraiyur, 172 

Urasa, 127, 23 > 

Ushasti Chakrayana, 14, lf>, i:\. 

L^havadata, 258, 261, 279 
Usinara, 23, 26-29, 88, 180, 131, 

Usinaragiri, 28 

Utkrosana, 89, 92, 98, 313 
Uttamaujas, 32 
Uttaradhvaksltas, 150 
Uttara Kuru, 27, 83, 312 
Uttara Madhura, 73 
Uttara Madra, 27, 83 
Uttara Panchala, 32, 33, 67, 69, 70 
UttarOpatha, 23, 77, 122, 134, 136, 
151, lc.2, 224, 309 


Yacliabliumika, I <>*"», 16S 

Vacliaknavi, 23 

Va/'anagara, 267 o, 

Vahlikas, 274 

Vahulasva, 20, 37 

Vaichitravirva, 7 

Vaidarbha, 4 Iff, 165 

Vaideha, 17ff, 104 

Vaidehaka, 153 

Vaidchas, Later, 37, 40 

Vaigai, 17 > 

Vaihara, 56 

Vaiiajya, 83 

\ airocliana, 54 

Vaisali, 49, 59-64, 97, 103-109, 112, 

113, 163, 27 2, 273, 287 
Vaisiilians, 108 
\ 'aisfilika Dynasty, 60 
\ aisampayana, 10, 12, 13 
Vaisya, 141, 152 
Vaitarani, 42, 160 
Yajapeja 83, 84, 86, 87 
Vajasaneya 3 
Vajheshka 249, 254 
Vajira, 101, 105 
Vajin, 101 
Vajji, 39, 40, 45, 46, 58, 60, 97, 

106, 108, 163. 
Vajra, 296 
Vakiitaka, 48, IV, 6, 266, 276, 277, 

Yakradeva, 223 
Valavi, 286. 
Yiunadeva, 38 
Vamakakshayana, 18 
Vainba Moriyar, 140 
Vanga, 27 1, 30 I 
Vaniyagama, 60, 100 

Vaiiji, 17:) 

Varada, 199 

Varaha, 56 

Varakalyana, (it! 

Vara maud liata, 66 

Vararoja, 66 

Yardanes, 212 

Vardhamana, 1 69 

Varmans, 2w5 n 

Varuna Dharmapati, 89 

Varnata, 299 

Vftiv haganva, 3 1 1 

Varus, 187 

Vasas, 27, 28, 83 

Vasabhakhattiva, 101 

VaSati, 132 

Vasavad»tta, 102, 103 

Vasettbas, 64 

Vasishka, 249, 250, 254, 255 


\ a-ishtlnputra Hulumayi, !64 

Ya-:ishthi|)utra &itakarni, 265, 268 

Vasistlia, 20 

Vasit4ii, 222 
Vassakara, 106, 107 
Vasu, 57, 67, 255n 
Vasudana, 68 

Vasudeva Kushan, 165, 249, 250, 
•::>•:. 255 

Vasudtva Kanva, 211, 214, 215, 216. 
Vfeadert Krishna, 213, 111 
Yasu .Jveslitha, 211 
Vasuladatta', 102 
Yasu mat i, 56, 57 
Yasuvnndhu, 297 
..pi, 309 

l.l". 55, 67, 68, 98, 100, 



VavatS, 85 

Vedehaputta, 85 

Vedehi, (50, 104 

Vedebiputta, 104 

Vedi Sri, 223 

Vegi, 276 

Vehalla, 105, 106 

Vengi, -275, 276, 276n, fc 291» 

Vesali, 49,6(), 99, 112 

Vessabhu, 74, 75 

Vesgantara, 98 

Vidajrdha, 28 

Vidarbha, 89, 40, 41, 48, 72, 198, 

199, 201, 209, 262,804. 
\ ularbhi Kaundinya, 41 
Videgha, 20, 21 
Videha, 15, 16,17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 

28,34,89,59,61, 104. 
Yidehadatta, 59 
Vidisa, 44, 197, 198, 210, 212, 218. 

214,226, 234, 256,274. 
Vidiwjabha, 1 01, 105 
Vigatasoka Tiehya, 157 
Vigrahapala, 1 14, 290 
Yisrahasura, 114 
Yihfuayatra, 170, 180, 181 
\ ijaxaditya, 309 
Yijayaditya IV, 299 
Vijayakirti, 251 
Yijayaj ala, 296 
Yijavesa, 1<>3 
Yikramaera, 235, 239, 242, 251, 

Vikramaditya, Chandra Gupta II, 

282, 283, 284. 
Vikramaditya, Skanda Gupta, 290 
Yikrama, Fura Gupta, 297 
Yima Kadphises II, 217, 314 
Vimala-Kon'. : anna, 1 05 
Yimanadasana, 179 
Vimana", I SO 
Vinasana, 280 
Vmayaditya, 30'.i 
Vinayakapala, 296u, 
Vinava sthiti sthapaka, 287 
Vindhya, 40, 44, ill, 165, 262, 267 
Yindhyasakti, 277 

Vipasa, 26 

Yipula, 56 

Yira Chotfa, 811 

Yira Malay as, 7 1 

Virasena, 198, l'J9, 210 

Virasena-Saba, 2S3 

Vira$, 83 

Vira' a, 28 

Viiatanagara, 29, 71 

Visa,' 163 

Visa'.a, 60 

Yusala (Ujjain), 284 

Visanins, 130 

Vishavajri, 163 

Vishaya, '286 

Yislmvapati, 286 

Vishnu, 288, 311 

Vighnogopa, 275 

Vishnu Gupta Chandiadit\a, 309 

Vishnukunt iu, 304 

Vishnupada, 53, 55 

Vishnuvardhana, 296 

Vishti, 268 

Vissasena, 48 

Visvakarma, 90 

Vissasena, 269 

Y'isvasiiiiha, 269 

Vitihotras, 71, 76 

Vivutha, 17c»n 

Vizaoapatam, 276 

Vonones, 228, 233, 235, 236 

Vraja, 168 

Viatya, 56, 62, 73, 114 

Vriddhadyumna, 14, 15 

Vrihas,ati, 181, 186 

Vrijika (See Vajji) 

Vrishabha, 56 

Yrisl.alis, 153 

\ li.-hasena, 18+, 186 

Vri>hni, 72, 73, 91 

Vulture l\ak, 1 Of. 

V\aghra, 27 7, 278 

Vya<jhrabalaparakrama, 2SSn 

Vxaghradeva, 277 

V\a^hraja, 275, 278 

Vyavahara Samata, 190, I'M 





Warden of the Marches, 167, 199. 

Wardha 41 

Wema Kad pluses, 24S 

Wcmhe, 186 

W.-trninster, 18 
Wu-Sun, 2V5 


Xandrames, I 2 
Xathroi, 132 

Xerxes, 1 2 1 


Yabgou, Yavuga, 240 

YSdava, Yadu, 41, 1!, 6*, 71 

Yajiiasena of Pafichala, 32 

Yajiiasena of Yidarbha, !98, 199 

Yajiia&ri, 2(16 

Ya'jiiavalkya, 10, 17, 18, 23, 90, 191 

Yajnavarman, 304 

Yaksha (vakkha), 100, 1 10, 1 13, 1H 

Yamuna, 12, 71,72, 130. 203n, *05n 

Y'asaskara, 299 

Yi -ka, 311 

Yasodaman, 269 

Yasod barman, 301ft 

Yasomati, 290 

Yasovarman, 309 

Yaudheyas, 250, 268, 278 

Yauna, Yavana, iii, 23, 152, 105, 

177, 183, 187, 190, 1110,201,20', 

205ff, 229, 231, 202 

Yayati 7, 26 
Yayatina^ari, 276 
Yella-mancluli, 27i> 
Yen-kao-tehen, 2*7ff 
Y'o^a-Nandi (mythical), 1 15, 313 
Yona, 130, 142,' 101 
Ysamotika, 259, 2C0, 266 
Yudhajit, 27 
Yudltfut>sranshti, 90 
Yudhishthira, 1*2, 15, 08, 278 
Ywe-eh ,227, !44ff, 2 
Vut'iiti, 230 
Yuktas, Ynlas. ICO, 107, lbS. 

Yuvaniisva, 50 


/i Hakale, Zoscales, 266n 
/.da, 253 
Z.-ionisrs, 238 

Zeus, 208, 236 

Zoroastrian. ! 15, .'•"< I 


1. The Early History of the Vaishnava Sect 

Demy 8 Vo. 146 pp., Price Rs. 2-13. 
Published by the Calcutta University. 

Professor E. Washburn Hopkins, Yale University, America — 

" Your book has given me great satisfaction 1 am particularly 

pleased to see an incisive study of this kind in the realm of 
religious history ...Believe me, in the hope of further contribu- 
tions of this character from your able pen * 

Professor A. Berriedale Keith, Edinburgh University. — 
" While I do not concur in your vie-v as to the original character of 
Krsna, I recognise the care with which you have investigated the 
issue, and value highly the elaborate collation of the evidence which 
your work contains, and which will render it of much service to all 
students of this, doubtless insoluble, problem. The stress laid on the 
epigraphic evidence and the fu 1 use made of it is of special value, 
while in many dt tails your opinions are of interest and value, as in 
the case of the date of Panini " 

Sir George Grierson. — "Very interesting and informing The 

book is full of matter which is of great importance for the history 
of religiou in India and will form a valued addition to my collection 
of books on the subject " 

F. E. Pargiter, Oxford. — " I agree with you in discarding 
various theories, but I don't think that Krishna Devakiputra is the 
famous Krishna, and it seems to me your exposition can stand just 
as well without the identification as with it. Your book will help to 
elucidate the whole matter, but are you sure that the cult does not 
owe something to Christianity ?" 

Professor F, Otto Schrader, Kiel, Germany. — "I perfectly 
agree with your opinion that the ChaVidogya passage on Krsna 
Devakiputra and his teaching is to be considered as the first historical 
record of Bhagavatism. There were, of course, many Kranas, but to 


conjecture that more than one was also a Devakiputra, is, to my mind 
an unscientific boldness which is the less justifiable as the teaching 
mentioned in that passage, as you show, perfectly agree with those 
e.g. of the Bhagavad-glta and the Rk quoted with the famous 

rfV*\'- tT"*' <TS* l " 

The Times L.tkrari Sipplembnt, May 12, 1921.— "The 
lectures of Mr. Hemchandra Ray-chaudhuri on the Early History of 
the Vaishnava Sect read almost as would a Bampton lecture ou the 
"Historical Christ" to a Christian audience. They are an attempt 
to disentangle the authentic figure of Krishna from the mass of Puranic 
legend and gross tradition, from the wild conjectures and mistaken, if 
reasoned, theories which surround his name. The worship of Kri.-lnm 
is not a superstitious idolatry ; it is the expression of the Bhakti, 
the devotional faith of an intellectual people, and many missiouan ■•-, 
ill-equipped for dealing with a dimly understood creed would do well 
to study this .little volume " 

Journal Asiati^ijk, J anuary-Marcii , I0£$, Paris. — " Dans le 
domaine historique, signalons un travail plein de nurite de M. 
Hemchandra Ray-chaudhuri : M*teiiaU /<>>■ the dudjf of the I 
History of the I'nixh/inro Sect" (Dr. Jules Bloeh of Paris). 

Journal ok ink Royal Asmic BoettrY or Oueat But i un\ — 
" The scope of this small book is rightly expressed in its title. The 
author, who is lecturer in History in the Calcutta University, has 
collected and discussed statements, references, and allusions from the 
early literature to throw light on the po-ihon and life of Krsna and 
the growth of Bhagavatism. He deals with the various theories that 
have been put forward, and with good MHO is discredits the views 
that Krsna Va^udeva was a solar deity or a tri al god or a vegetation 
deity. He is right in treating Kr?ua Vasudeva as one person, the 
\ rsi.i chief, but he unnecessarily identities him with Devaki- 
putra, the scholar mentioned in the Chaudogya Cpanishad " 

(P. K. Pargiter). 

Tint Bombay Chroniulk, Junk 19, 19$!. — "In this small 
book of a hundred and seventeen pages, Mr. Hemchandra Ray- 
chaudhuri of the Calcutta University has collected much valuable 
material from which he has succeeded in tiacing the origin and growth 
of the Vaishnava creed. The Historicity of Shrikrishna — or as the 
author calls Him Krishna Vasudeva, is also handled with remarkable 
clearness " 


2. Political History of India 

from the Accession of Parikshit to the coronation of Bimbisara. 

Reprint from the Journal of the Depart merit of Letters, Vol. IX. 
Royal 8 Vo., 96 pp. :— 

Professor E. Washburn Hofkins: — "It is a fine augury for 
Indian scholarship when native scholars of the first rank take seriously 
in hand the great problem of untangling the web of Indian history. 
To this work your book is a valuable contribution/' 

Professor H. Jacobi, Bonn: — "Very suggestive and contain 
some important details." 

Professor F. Otto Schrader : — " I have read the book with 
increasing interest and do not hesitate to say that it contains a great 
many details which will be found useful by later historians. The 
portion I enjoyed most is that on the sixteen Mahajanapadas." 

Professor A. Berriedale Keith : — " Full of useful information." 

Professor L. D. Barnktt, British Museum: — "Presents the 
facts very veil. It will be very useful to students." 

Professor E. J. Rapson, Cambridge : — " 1 write to thank you 
for your kindness in sending me copies of your interesting papers." 

W. de Silva, Colombo: — " 1 have the greatest pleasure 
to express my high appreciation of your very valuable and learned 

3. The Laksmanasena Era 

Reprint from Sir Asutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee 
Volumes, Orientalia, Calcutta — Published by the Calcutta Univer- 
sity and Printed at the Baptist Mission Press 1921. 

Professor Dr. Stkn Konow, Kristiania (Norway): — ' Many 
thanks for the reprints which you have been good enough to send me. 
I have read them with great pleasure. They are written in a 
thoroughly scholarlike way, and more especially it seems to me that 
your paper about the Laksmanasena era deserves very careful 


4. The Mahabharata and the Besnagar 
Inscription of Heliodoros 

JASB, 192£, No. 5, 

Professor H. Jacobi : — "The verification of the Bhagavata credo 
in the Besnagar inscription is a find on which you may be 

Professor E. Washburn Hopkins: — "It is certainly a remarkable 
lesemblance which you have established and I should l>e inclincl to 
agree with your conclusion." 

University of Toronto 

Acme Library Card Pocket 

Uader Pat. "Rd. Inda Flit"